IRLF 


• 

THE  SOURCES  AND  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE 
HISTORY  OF  THE  ANCIENT  MEXICANS 


BY 

PAUL  RADIN 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS  IN  AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND 

ETHNOLOGY.    Vol.  17,  No.  1,  pp.  1-150,  17  plates 

Issued  June  29,  1920 


.;!THK."'bLo< 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

ction 3 

and  critique  of  the  primary  sources 9 

rima.-y  codex  sources  for  the  migration  period 10 

The  Codex  Boturini 11 

The  Mapa  de  Siguenza 12 

The  Codex  Aubin 13 

The  Atlas  of  Duran  and  the  Codex  Ramirez 14 

!  '.:•    rj   codex  sources  for  the  post-migration  period 15 

A.     Manuscripts  covering  special  periods 16 

The  Codex  Cozcatzin 16 

The  Mapa  de  Tepechpan 17 

The  Codex  en  Croix 17 

The  Codex  Xolotl 17 

The  Mapa  Tlotzin 18 

i'<      The  Mapa  Quinatzin 19 

Manuscripts  covering  the  entire  period  of  Mexican  history..  19 

The  Histoire  Mexicaine 19 

The  Atlas  of  Duran 20 

The  Atlas  of  the  Codex  Ramirez 24 

The  Codex  Mendoza 25 

The  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis 26 

16.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  A 26 

17.  The  Codex  Aubin 26 

Primary  sources  preserved  in  commentaries  only 27 

Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas 27 

Secondary  sources 28 

19.  The  Codex  Ramirez 29 

20.  The  Anales  of  Cuauhtitlan 30 

21.  The  Anales  of  Chimalpahin ' 31 

Concluding  remarks 32 

Part  111      Translation  of  certain  original  sources 33 

'    >turini : 33 

)tzin 35 

inatzin 38 

>f  the  Codex  Xolotl 41 

\  Tdleriano-Remensis,  Part  IV 45 

endoza,  Part  II 50 

I  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas 57 

mirez 67 

The  .V.inSes  of  Chimalpahin  (Selections) 123 

Th<>  <:     .  a  of  Tezozomoctli 130 

V.     Outlines  of  the  history  of  the  ancient  Mexicans ..  132 


434007 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 


PLATES 


Plate    1. 

Codex  Boturini    1 

Plate    2. 

Codex  Boturini    2 

Plate    3. 

Codex  Boturini    3 

Plate    4. 

Codex  Boturini    4 

Plate    5. 

Codex  Boturini    5 

Plate    6. 

Codex  Boturini    6 

Plate    7. 

Codex  Boturini    7 

Plate    8. 

Codex  Boturini    8 

Plate    9. 

Codex  Boturini    9 

Plate  10. 

Codex  Boturini  10 

Plate  11. 

Codex  Boturini  11 

Plate  12. 

Mapa  de  Siguenza 

Plate  13. 

Mapa  Tlotzin  1 

Plate  14. 

Mapa  Tlotzin  2 

Plate  15. 

Mapa  Tlotzin  3 

Plate  16. 

Mapa  Quinatzin  1 

Plate  17. 

Mapa  Quinatzin  2 

1920]       Badin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans 


PART  I.     INTRODUCTION 

The  value  of  the  unwritten  historical  legends  of  primitive  peoples 
has  been  frequently  discussed  by  ethnologists  without  any  specific 
attitude  being  formulated.  The  legends  were  approved  or  rejected 
either  without  any  reasons  being  advanced  at  all,  or  with  the  vaguest 
reference  to  their  being  generally  accepted  beliefs.  As  a  rule  most 
of  the  historical  legends  used  by  students  dealt  with  migrations,  and 
the  general  assumption  seemed  to  be  that  primitive  peoples  remember 
such  occurrences  with  fair  accuracy.  No  proof  had  ever  been  brought 
forward  to  substantiate  this  feeling,  yet  so  definitely  fixed  was  this 
impression  in  the  minds  of  most  people  that  it  was  something  of  a 
shock  when  a  well-known  ethnologist  questioned  the  historical  value 
of  all  migration  legends  which  could  not  in  some  manner  or  other 
be  corroborated.  Dr.  Lowie's1  contention  was,  in  brief,  that  since 
so  many  clearly  mythological  elements  were  to  be  found  in  these 
so-called  historical  legends,  and  since  it  could  be  clearly  shown  that 
definitely  controlled  facts,  such  as  the  introduction  of  the  horse,  for 
instance,  had  either  been  forgotten  or  hopelessly  misinterpreted,  no 
reliance  of  any  kind  was  to  be  placed  on  such  accounts. 

It  is  of  course  only  too  true  that  in  the  absence  of  confirmatory 
evidence  of  a  fairly  satisfactory  kind,  certainty  is  never  to  be  attained. 
If  we  know  that  Indians  have  forgotten  occurrences  that  have  taken 
place  within  the  last  two  hundred  years,  that  they  have  woefully 
misrepresented  happenings  of  even  a  hundred  years  ago,  how  can 
we  place  the  least  faith  in  statements  relating  to  migratory  movements 
that  occurred  possibly  five  hundred  years  ago,  or  put  credence  in 
historical  reconstructions  of  specific  aspects  of  their  culture,  such  as 
religion  or  social  organization?  There  is  no  question  but  that  the 
possibility  of  error  will  always  be  present  to  an  alarming  degree, 
and  that  hypotheses  built  upon  such  uncontrolled  material  will  be 
extremely  shaky. 

-It  can,  however,  be  justly  claimed  that  a  certain  amount  of  con 
firmation  may  be  obtained  from  internal  evidence,  from  linguistic 
comparisons,  and  from  archaeology.  Given  detailed  knowledge  of  a 
certain  culture  there  is  frequently  an  inherent  probability  that  certain 
facts  mentioned  in  semi-historical  legends  actually  took  place.  Errors 


1  K.  H.  Lowie,  Oral  Tradition  and  History,  Journ.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  xxx,  1917. 


4  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.      [Vol.  17 

and  extraneous  matters  will  unquestionably  creep  in,  and  the  order 
of  the  facts  may  be  wrong,  but  it  is  quite  justifiable  to  assume  that 
a  certain  amount  of  truth  will  be  contained  in  them.  Even  if,  for 
example,  we  were  to  grant  that  a  marked  mythic-literary  tendency 
has  manifestly  been  at  work  in  the  Polynesian  accounts  of  migrations 
or  in  the  descriptions  of  the  journeys  of  the  Nahua  peoples  from  the 
north  to  the  valley  of  Mexico,  no  one  conversant  with  the  cultures 
of  these  peoples  would  doubt  for  a  moment  either  that  some  events 
similar  to  those  described  took  place  or  that  they  may  have  played 
an  important  part  in  the  development  of  these  respective  cultures. 
What  attitude,  however,  shall  be  taken  towards  the  details  of  any 
given  migration  myth,  in  which,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Nahua  peoples, 
there  is  a  marked  insistence  upon  a  northern  home  and  frequent  stops, 
often  of  considerable  duration?  Many  purely  mythical  episodes  are 
imbedded  in  this  account;  it  is,  in  all  probability,  a  reconstructed 
and  reinterpreted  version  of  certain  episodes ;  and  yet,  archaeological 
and  linguistic  evidences  make  it  extremely  probable  that  the  Nahua 
did  actually  migrate  from  the  north  to  the  valley  of  Mexico  and  that 
they  did  make  stops  of  unequal  duration  at  a  large  number  of  places. 
Even  if  such  confirmatory  evidence  were  not  at  hand,  it  would  not 
be  possible  to  explain  either  the  existence  of  such  accounts  or  their 
specific  peculiarities  of  detail  except  on  the  assumption  of  a  certain 
likelihood  of  their  representing  events  that  actually  occurred. 

It  does  not  seem  justifiable,  therefore,  to  reject  oral  traditions 
in  toio,  merely  because  a  number  of  manifestly  absurd  episodes  are 
contained  in  them.  On  the  contrary,  a  certain  value  should  be 
attached  to  their  very  presence. 

No  one  would,  for  a  moment,  credit  primitive  peoples  with  a  highly 
developed  historical  sense,  yet  I  think  that  all  ethnologists  would 
agree  that  certain  occurrences  are  likely  to  be  remembered  in  every 
tribe,  and  that  a  few  individuals  are  to  be  encountered,  even  in  the 
simplest  of  primitive  cultures,  who  remember  a  good  deal  more  than 
the  others  and  who  make  a  definite  effort  to  do  so.  This  subject  has 
been  given  very  little  attention  by  ethnologists,  although  all  will 
probably  agree  that  family  histories  are  frequently  remembered  with 
considerable  accuracy  for  a  respectable  number  of  generations,  and 
that  in  these  family  traditions  a  number  of  matters  of  general  impor 
tance  to  the  tribe  are  included,  such  as  clan  affiliations,  membership 
in  societies  or  ceremonies,  the  introduction  of  new  cultural  elements, 
and  the  history  of  family  heirlooms  and  sacred  possessions.  Examples 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans  5 

will  doubtless  occur  to  every  ethnologist.  Such  knowledge,  however, 
rarely  becomes  general,  rarely  becomes  of  social  value,  and  only 
infrequently  touches  upon  the  broad  and  fundamental  phases  of  a 
given  culture.  It  would  be  vain  to  look  for  a  general  account  of  social 
organization,  religion,  or  art.  Their  origins  are  generally  shifted 
back  to  the  remote  legendary  past  and  credited  to  culture  heroes  or 
deities.  The  general  notion  of  a  development  is  absent.  This  does  not 
mean  that  primitive  peoples  are  unaware  of  the  fact  that  institutions 
and  customs  change.  Indeed,  they  seem  to  have  a  keen  realization 
of  this,  although  only  in  a  few  cases  does  it  appear  to  have  become  of 
cultural  importance  to  them  to  trace  the  development  of  a  given  insti 
tution.  At  any  moment,  however,  family  records  might  have  been 
elevated  to  a  position  of  general  social  import  and  the  foundation  thus 
laid  for  institutional  history. 

An  example  may  suffice.  The  Winnebago  Indians  of  Wisconsin 
some  time  ago  borrowed  the  Central  Algonkin  ritual  known  as  the 
Midewiwin.  The  account  of  its  borrowing,  the  order  in  which  the 
elements  were  borrowed,  the  tribes  from  whom  it  was  borrowed, 
the  individual  circumstances  under  which  this  occurred — all  this  is 
minutely  set  down  in  an  account  that  has  become  firmly  associated 
with  the  ritual.  The  ceremony  was  originally  the  possession  of  a 
few  individuals.  It  subsequently  became  popular,  and  at  the  present 
time  three  quarters  of  the  tribe  adhere  to  it.  We  are  on  the  very 
verge  here  of  an  interest  in  institutional  history.  It  never  material 
ized  because  the  interests  of  the  Winnebago  were  centered  not  on 
the  idea  of  growth  but  of  origins,  and  they  chose  to  expend  their 
intellectual  energies  in  developing  another,  very  elaborate  and  entirely 
mythical,  account  of  the  origin  of  the  ceremony.  The  same  thing 
happened  under  my  very  eyes  in  connection  with  the  Peyote  cult 
of  the  same  tribe.  Its  history  was  known  to  practically  every  member, 
yet  they  chose  to  develop  an  origin  myth  for  the  ceremony,  or,  to  be 
more  accurate,  to  adopt  a  mutilated  mythical  version  of  its  origin 
from  some  other  tribe.  In  tracing  the  growth  of  the  cult  itself  they 
seemed  to  take  very  little  interest. 

Are  we  then  to  assume  that  an  interest  in  the  developmental  history 
of  culture  is  entirely  absent  among  primitive  peoples?  If  this  be 
true,  how  are  we  to  interpret  the  isolated  cases  where  such  an  interest 
is  found,  as  among  the  Nahua  and  the  Maya?  We  can  of  course  put 
it  all  down  to  Spanish  influence.  But  while  that  might  conceivably 
account  for  the  histories  written  after  the  Conquest,  like  those  of 


6  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Duran,  Tezozomoc,  Ixtlilxochitl,  and  Sahagun,  it  would  hardly  explain 
the  true  historical,  sense  shown  in  the  pre-Columbian  Codex  Boturini, 
Codex  Xolotl,  or  Ma-pa  Tlotzin,  nor  would  it  explain  why  the  post- 
Columbian  Spanish  authors  should  have  insisted  upon  referring  to 
numerous  records  that  clearly  exhibited  a  marked  tendency  toward 
emphasizing  the  development  of  institutions.  We  are  consequently 
forced  to  the  conclusion  that  the  ancient  Mexicans  did  have  a  true 
historical  sense;  that,  indeed,  this  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the 
significant  traits  of  their  culture. 

This  being  granted,  what  reliance  are  we  to  place  in  their  records? 
The  very  fact  that  the  Mexicans  were  interested  in  tracing  the  growth 
of  their  culture  must,  in  a  general  way,  have  made  for  accuracy.  Such 
a  criterion  is,  of  course,  too  vague  to  be  of  great  value.  Fortunately 
we  do  not  have  to  rely  upon  it  to  any  marked  extent.  The  Nahua 
people  had  a  complex  calendar  system  and  a  rude  system  of  writing, 
and  while  an  accurate  chronology  of  events  was  out  of  the  question, 
a  good  approximation  to  the  true  order  of  happenings  was  quite  pos 
sible.  The  tendency  to  keep  family  records,  we  noted  before,  is  quite 
widespread  among  primitive  peoples.  In  many  parts  of  the  world, 
and  in  America  in  particular,  there  was  a  well-developed  tendency 
to  represent  selected  events  pictographically  on  bark  and  on  skins. 
All  that  we  would  have  to  assume  then  is  that  such  personal  records 
became  of  social  importance  among  the  Nahua  and  that,  stimulated 
by  the  elaboration  of  the  calendar,  and,  very  likely,  by  specific  events, 
a  type  of  record  developed  which  dealt  with  tribal  affairs  as  such. 
External  tribal  political  history  had  of  course  been  treated  before 
by  many  of  the  Plains  tribes  of  the  United  States.  Every  account 
of  a  tribal  war  party  or  hunt  must  be  considered  as  such.  It  was 
therefore  no  very  great  advance  that  the  Nahua  made  when  they 
arranged  these  tribal  events  chronologically.  Yet  it  was  a  funda 
mental  step,  and  one  which  contained  the  germs  of  a  true  historical 
method.  The  Sioux  and  the  Kiowa  had  in  their  records  emphasized 
mainly  the  events  in  the  lives  of  individuals,  not  because  they  had 
any  policy  in  this  regard,  we  may  surmise,  but  because  their  social 
organization  and  their  historical  development  had,  possibly,  called  for 
nothing  else.  They  therefore  never  got  beyond  simple  annals.  That 
the  Nahua  went  farther  is  only  in  part  due  to  their  more  accurate 
method  of  reckoning.  That  assured^  was  essential,  but  their  type 
of  social  organization  and,  unquestionably,  such  historical  occurrences 
as  their  contact  with  the  more  civilized  tribes  of  the  valley  of  Mexico, 
were  probably  of  far  greater  importance. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans  7 

We  find  then  among  the  Nahua  a. chronologically  arranged  account 
of  tribal  happenings.  What  selection  did  their  historians  make  ?  The 
documents  which  have  been  preserved  and  others  mentioned  give  us 
the  answer.  A  glance  at  the  Codex  Xolotl,  the  Mapa  Tlotzm,  or  the 
Codex  Boturini  shows  only  too  clearly  that  they  were  most  frequently 
concerned  with  the  fortunes  of  chiefs  and  their  families.  Yet  other 
matters  were  not  entirely  neglected.  The  whole  process  of  the  gradual 
borrowing  by  the  Nahua  of  the  culture  with  which  they  came  in 
contact,  as  well  as  their  conquest  of  ruder  tribes,  is  emphasized  again 
and  again.  Much  depends  upon  the  .type  of  record,  for  there  were 
many  kinds.  Simeon  has  very  conveniently  grouped  them  in  the 
following  way : 

General  histories   (tlatolli}. 

1.  Ancient  history  (ueue  tlatolli}. 

2.  Contemporary  history  (quin  axcan  tlatolli). 

3.  Year  counts.     Those  on  paper  were  called  xiuhtlapohuala- 

matl,  and  those  painted  xiuhtlacuilolli. 

4.  Annual  accounts,  year  by  year.    Those  on  paper  were  called 

cexiuhamatl,  and  those  painted  cexiuhtlacuilolli. 

5.  Specific  painting  of  each  year  (cecemilhuitlacuilolli} . 

6.  Book  of  each  day  (cecemilhuiamoxtli) . 

7.  Count,  day  by  day  (cemilhuitonalpohualli) .- 

There  really  is  an  amazing  variety  of  types  of  histories  and  a  still 
more  astounding  variety  of  matter  contained  therein.  Only  a  fairly 
large  number  of  specialty  trained  men  could  possibly  have  written 
them.  And  indeed  the  Nahua  records  frequently  speak  of  a  guild 
of  writers,  even  mentioning  when  this  guild  was  first  organized. 

We  have  left  for  the  last  the  really  crucial  point.  How,  in  the 
absence  of  a  true  system  of  writing,  did  the  Nahuatl  historians  remem 
ber  what  the  various  paintings  meant?  At  bottom,  after  all,  the 
accounts  were  handed  down  orally,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
numerous  mnemonic  devices  were  invented  to  aid  the  memory.  Even 
if  a  specially  selected  and  specially  trained  group  of  men  handed 
down  the  information  to  men  similarly  selected  and  trained,  the 
chances  of  error  were  nevertheless  great.  Agave  paper  and  animal 
skins  do  not  last  forever;  paintings  become  illegible;  some  are  de- 


2  Anales  de  Chimalpahin  Quauhtlehuanitzin,  publiees  par  Kemi  Simeon  (Biblio- 
theque  linguistique  americaine,  xu,  1889). 


8  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

stroyed,  others  lost;  and  last,  but  not  least,  the  viewpoint  of  each 
generation  changes  despite  all  conservatism.  Contemporary  sources 
always  retain  their  value,  but  general  histories,  naturally,  are  always 
written  from  particular  viewpoints,  and  are  bound  to  reinterpret  and 
misinterpret  past  events.  It  is,  for  instance,  quite  clear  that  most 
of  the  specific  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  accounts  are  written  from  the 
viewpoints  of  the  people  of  Izcohuatl's  (1427-1440)  and  Montezuma 
the  Elder's  (1440-1469)  time,  and  the  accounts  of  Tezcoco  from  that 
of  Nezahualpilli  's  time.  Internal  historical  evidence  makes  it  quite 
clear  that  there  is  considerable  justification  for  selecting  the  names 
of  these  particular  rulers.  A  certain  exaggeration  is  bound  to  have 
taken  place  in  the  accounts  mentioned  above.  We  must  assume  that 
the  historians  of  each  particular  ruler  interpreted  past  events  in  terms 
of  his  reign.  But,  granting  all  this,  and  granting  further  that  the 
memory  of  men  like  Izcohuatl,  Tlacaelel,  the  two  Montezumas  and 
Nezahualpilli  has  become  enshrouded  to  a  certain  extent  in  popular 
legend,  why  must  that  interfere  hopelessly  with  the  value  of  the 
accounts  connected  with  their  achievements? 

In  short,  the  efforts  made  by  the  Nahua  to  preserve  a  fairly 
accurate  record  of  their  history  justify  us  in  approaching  their 
records  with  a  certain  confidence,  and  there  is  no  reason  for  believing 
that,  with  the  proper  caution,  with  the  proper  evaluation  of  internal 
evidence,  they  should  not  yield  us  a  fair  picture  of  the  course  of 
Nahua  history,  and  more  specifically  of  Aztec  history,  from  approx 
imately  the  year  1100  A.D.  to  the  time  of  the  Conquest. 

In  order  to  enable  the  sceptically  inclined  ethnologist  to  judge  for 
himself  as  to  the  justifiability  of  the  preceding  remarks  concerning 
the  historical  sense  of  the  Aztecs,  some  of  the  more  important  of  the 
sources  that  bear  on  Aztec  history  proper  are  incorporated  in  English 
translations  in  this  monograph.  An  effort  has  been  made  to  include 
as  large  a  variety  as  possible  of  historical  documents.  A  brief  discus 
sion  of  the  nature  and  value  of  the  sources  precedes  the  translations. 
The  translations  were  all  made  by  the  author  and  adhere  as  strictly, 
as  possible  to  the  original. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans          9 


PART  II.     NATURE  AND  CRITIQUE  OF  THE  PRIMARY 

SOURCES 

Two  types  of  sources  for  the  history  of  the  ancient  Mexicans  exist : 
the  actual  old  Indian  codices,  of  which  there  are  but  a  few  extant, 
and  the  works  of  Christianized  Indians  and  Spaniards.  Neither  type 
can  be  accepted  uncritically.  But  just  as  it  would  be  quite  unjusti 
fiable  to  claim  that  because  the  documents  of  the  first  group  antedate 
the  Conquest  all  they  contain  is  necessarily  correct,  so  it  would  be 
ridiculous  to  undervalue  the  latter  group  merely  because  they  happen 
to  have  been  written  at  a  time  when  the  culture  of  the  ancient  Mexicans 
was  disappearing  and  because  their  authors  introduced  a  Christian 
viewpoint  into  their  works.  In  most  cases  it  is  a  comparatively  easy 
matter  to  make  the  proper  discount  for  prejudices  and  when  that  is 
done  many  of  the  Christianized  Indians  will  be  found  to  be  more 
objective  than  their  pre-Columbian  ancestors. 

The  vast  majority  of  the  old  manuscripts  have  disappeared,  as 
well  as  the  copies  made  of  them.  As  late  as  1746,  however,  Boturini3 
was  able  to  gather  together  a  surprising  number  of  original  manuscripts 
dealing  with  all  aspects  of  the  ancient  culture.  To  give  an  idea  of  the 
nature  of  these  documents  and  the  scope  of  the  matter  covered  by 
them  I  will  list  a  few  of  the  most  important.  Some  of  these  have  been 
lost,  some  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nacionale  of  Paris,  and  a 
few  have  been  published. 

(1)  A  history  of  the  Chichimecs.     This  record  recounts  the  suc 
cession  of  Chichimec  and  Mexican  rulers  and  the  events  that  took 
place  under  these  two  monarchies  . . .  from  the  years  3  flint  to  2  rabbit. 
Painted  on  Indian  paper.     (Codex  Xolotl.) 

(2)  A  manuscript  recounting  the  history  of  the  Emperor  Nezahual- 
piltzintli  and  his  sons.    Painted  on  Indian  paper. 

(3)  A  painting  of  the  city  of  Tetzcuco  with  indications  showing 
its  extent  in  ancient  times.    Painted  on  Indian  paper. 

(4)  Map  showing  the  lands  belonging  to  the  pueblos  of  Tepoztlan. 
Panhuacan,  Ayapanco  and  Tlanahuac.  .  .  . 

(5)  Description  of  the  coming  of  the  Mexicans  from  the  island  of 
Aztlan  and  their  arrival  on  the  continent  of  New  Spain,  together  with 

s  Lorenzo  Boturini  Benaduci,  ' '  Idea  de  una  nueva  historia  general  de  la  Amer 
ica  septentrional  fondada  sobre  material  copioso  de  figuras,  simbolos,  caracteres  y 
geroglificos,  cantares  y  manuscritos  de  autores  Indies."  Madrid,  1746. 


10  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  EtJin.      [Vol.  17 

[an  account  of]  the  stops  they  made  and  the  duration  of  each  .  .  .  and, 
finally,  the  wars  they  waged  when  in  the  service  of  Coxcoxtli  the  king 
of  Culhuacan.  Painted  on  Indian  paper.  (Codex  Boturini.) 

(6)  Map  showing-  the  journeys  of  the  Mexican  nation  and  the 
sojourn  at  Chapultepec. 

(7)  Description   of  the   lagoon   of   Mexico   and  the   surrounding 
pueblos. 

(8)  Description  of  the  location  of  the  imperial  city  which,  it  is 
/i  •- 

claimed,  was  beautified  in  the  reign  of  Itzcohuatl ;  containing  the  royal 
acequias  and  details  concerning  the  barrios  and  houses. 

(9)  Map  of  the  lands  conquered  in  war  by  King  Itzcohuatl  and 
which  he  distributed  [among  his  followers].  .  .  .  An  account  in  Nahuatl 
of  the  war  which  took  place  between  Axayaca,  the  King  of  Mexico 

^TtV'2  *>***      %  *-~ 

and  Moquihuix,  king  of  Tlatilulco.     On  European  paper. 

(10)  An  account,  in  Nahuatl,  of  the  coming  of  the  Mexicans   [to 
the  valley  of  Mexico]  and  what  happened  thereafter .  .  .  beginning  in 
the  year  1066  and  ending  in  the  year  1316. 

(11)  A  chronological  list  of  the  ancient  kings  of  Culhuacan  and 
their  successors  the  kings  of  Mexico,  written  by  the  lords  of  Culhua 
can.  .  . . 

(12)  An  account  of  the  coming  of  the  Mexicans  to  the  city  of 
Tollan  in  the  year  1196  and  what  took  place  up  to  the  year  1406. 

Quite  a  number  of  these  documents  found  their  way  to  the  Biblio- 
theque  Nationale  and  were  published  in  the  monumental  work  by 
Boban.4 


PEIMAEY  CODEX  SOUBCES  FOE  THE  MIGEATION  PEEIOD 

Under  primary  sources  we  shall  include  only  the  so-called  picture 
writings  dealing  with  historical  events.  Three  of  these — namely,  the 
Codex  Boturini,  the  Codex  Aubin,  and  the  Mapa  de  Siguenza — deal 
with  the  migrations  of  the  Aztecs.  According  to  Lehmann5  the  His- 
toire  Mexicaine  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  is  a  close  parallel  to 
the  Codex  Boturini.  The  other  primary  sources  which  have  come 
down  to  us  are :  the  Mapa  de  Tepechpan,  a  history  of  Tepechpan  and 
Mexico  from  1298-1596 ;  the  Codex  Xolotl,  the  Mapa  Tlotzin,  the  Mapa 


4  Eugene  Boban,  ' '  Documents  pour  servir  a  1  'histoire  du  Mexique. ' '     Paris, 
1891. 

5  W.  Lehmann,  "Methods  and  Eesults  in  Mexican  Eesearch, "  1905,  p.  12,  note 
6.     In  order  to  avoid  needless  repetition  of  bibliography  I  refer  my  Dreaders  to 
this  useful  resume. 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         11 

Quinatzin  and  the  Codex  Mendoza,  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis, 
and  the  Codex  Vaticanus  A;  the  latter  three  preserved  in  copies 
only.  Besides  these  may  be  mentioned  the  Codex  en  Croix,  this  being 
the  annals  of  Tezcuco  and  Mexico  from  1402  to  1557 ;  and  the  Codex 
Cozcatzin,  1439-1594.6 


1.  The  Codex  Boturini 

This  document,  of  which  part  is  here  reproduced  (plates  1— II),7 
has  been  interpreted  twice,  first  by  Ramirez  and  then  by  Orozco  y 
Berra,  who,  it  seems,  relied  largely  on  Ramirez's  notes.  We  have 
followed  Orozco  y  Berra 's  interpretation  as  given  in  his  Historic 
Antigua  y  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico* 

The  Codex  Boturini  covers  but  a  small  portion  of  the  Aztec  migra 
tions  and  according  to  the  dates  given  by  Orozco  y  Berra  covers  a 
period  commencing  before  649  and  continuing  to  about (o3t;  To,, 
adequately  understand  it  reference  has  frequently  to  be  made  to  the 
Codex  Aubin,  which,  while  it  was  copied,  after  the  Conquest,  is  of 
considerable  value  on  account  of  the  Nahuatl  explanation,  accompany 
ing  it.  No  historical  value  need  be  attached  to  the  dates,  for  it  is  quite 
clear  that  the  Mexicans  had  no  way  of  accurately  remembering  them 
during  this  period  of  their  history;  certainly  they  had  no  complex 
calendar  and  no  system  of  rebus  writing  then.  Taking  1100  A.D. 
as  the  very  earliest  date  for  the  introduction  of  writing  among  them 
(although  even  this  may  be  too  early),  we  shall  have  to  assume  that 
everything  before  that  date  rested  on  ordinary  oral  tradition  without 
any  elaborate  mnemonic  aids.  How  much  of  it  can  be  trusted  ?  There 
is  no  way  of  telling.  However,  it  seems  unlikely  that  their  migrations 
lasted  as  long  as  the  Codex  Boturini  claims. 

The  details  of  the  migration  period  raise  a  very  perplexing  ques 
tion.  What  is  their  meaning  ?  We  are  clearly  not  dealing  with  mere 
fiction.  It  seems  reasonable  to  assume  that  an  extended  migration  took 
place,  that  stops  were  made,  and  that  these  were  of  unequal  duration. 
Everything  else  seems  doubtful.  The  account  certainly  did  not 
attain  its  present  form  until  many  hundreds  of  years  after  the  events 
narrated.  It  seems  likely  indeed  that  it  was  not  given  a  definite 
form  until  the  reign  of  the  elder  Montezuma  (1440-1469).  Mexico- 
Tenochtitlan  was  then  in  the  first  flush  of  its  power  and  was  extending 

e  Cf .  Boban,  op.  cit. 

7  Taken  from  Lord  Kingsborough,  Mexican  Antiquities,  I.     London,  1831. 

s  Mexico,  1880,  m,  67-87. 


12  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

its  conquests  in  all  directions.  Historians  like  Duran,  Tezozomoc,  and 
the  anonymous  author  of  the  Codex  Ramirez,  claim  that  the  ruler 
began  to  manifest  an  unusual  interest  in  the  past  history  of  his  people 
and  it  may  very  well  be  that  current  legends  and  semihistorical 
traditions  were  then  woven  into  a  coherent  whole. 

The  translation  of  this  codex  is  given  on  pages  33-35. 

2.  The  Mapa  de  Siguenza9 

This  document  (reproduced  in  plate  12)  has  been  subjected  to 
a  number  of  interpretations.  The  earlier  explanations  of  Clavigero 
and  Humboldt  have  practically  no  value.  That  of  Ramirez,  which  is 
followed  by  Orozco  y  Berra,  is  certainly  the  most  reliable  so  far  as 
the  reading  of  the  document  is  concerned.10  A  little  more  credence 
may  perhaps  be  placed  in  the  events  ascribed  to  the  twelfth  and  thir 
teenth  centuries,  because  the  Aztecs  may  by  that  time  have  alreadj^ 
possessed  their  elaborate  chronology  and  their  system  of  writing,  and 
because  the  records  and  traditions  of  the  other  Nahua  tribes  who  had 
preceded  them  in  the  valley  of  Mexico  in  part  corroborate  their  state 
ments. 

The  Mapa  de  Siguenza  is,  according  to  Orozco  y  Berra,  supposed 
to  cover  approximately  the  years  880-1299.  It  is  clearly  not  an  annual 
account  set  down  year  for  year,  but,  like  the  Codex  Boturini,  shows 
unmistakable  evidence  of  systematization.  It  differs  from  the  latter 
document  in  that  it  is  not  so  exclusively  concerned  with  the  names 
of  the  towns  passed  through  nor  with  how  long  the  Mexicans  remained 
in  each  pueblo,  but  gives  also  significant  details  about  battles  and 
about  servitude  to  other  peoples.  Although  the  historical  accounts 
of  all  the  Nahua  peoples  are  thoroughly  saturated  with  what  might 
be  called  the  "migration  theme,"  there  are  clear  indications  of  its 
weakening  as  we  approach  the  eleventh  century.  In  the  Codex 
Boturini  one  has  the  general  feeling  that  events  and  facts  are  being 
fitted  into  the  concept  of  migration,  whereas  in  the  Mapa  de  Siguenza 
this  holds  its  own  as  a  theme  fairly  well  at  the  beginning,  but  then 
weakens,  to  crop  out  again  every  now  and  then  but  never  to  dominate 
what  has  all  the  earmarks  of  being  an  attempt  at  recounting  actual 
occurrences. 

Both  documents  stop  at  definite  dates — whether  they  be  authentic 
or  not  is  immaterial.  The  Codex  Boturini  terminates  with  a  war 


9  Kingsborough,  iv. 

10  Historia  Antigua,  in,  131-153.     Mexico,  1880. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Anoient  Mexicans         13 

exploit  which  has  been  distinctly  subjected  to  legendary  and  literary 
influences.  No  possible  political  significance  can  be  attached  to  this 
particular  event.  The  Mapa  de  Siguenza,  on  the  contrary,  ends  at  a 
definite  and  important  epoch.  The  Aztecs  have  been  defeated  and 
have  sought  refuge  in  that  particular  portion  of  the  lagoon  where  they 
were  shortly  to  found  the  city  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan.  This  event 
was  clearly  recognized  as  a  fundamental  one  in  practically  all  the  old 
documents  that  have  come  down  to  us.  It  was  the  beginning  of  the 
existence  of  the  Aztecs  as  an  independent  nation.  Like  other  events, 
it  was  probably  used  either  as  the  termination  or  the  starting  point  of 
historical  accounts.  This  particular  occurrence  is  still  apparently  con 
nected,  in  the  eyes  of  the  scribes,  with  the  migrations,  although  in  all 
accounts  of  Aztec  history  there  seems  to  have  been  a  special  grouping 
of  the  events  which  took  placeajtef  the  Aztecs  had  definitely  settled 
in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  c*roflQ450^  'That  no  separate  accounts  of  this 
latter  period  existed,  I  would  attribute  to  the  fact  that  the  elaborate 
calendar  and  the  system  of  rebus  writing  did  not  form  an  integral 
part  of  the  culture  of  the  Nahua  peoples  of  the  valley  until  the  middle 
of  the  twelfth  century,  nor  of  that  of  the  Aztecs  until  the  middle 
of  the  thirteenth.  The  oldest  documents  that  Duran,  for  instance, 
used  were  contemporaneous  with  Acamapichtli  (1376-1396),  or  ante 
dated  him  but  slightly.  There  is  no  reason,  therefore,  for  assuming 
that  the  Mapa  de  Siguenza  is  any  older  than  1299,  just  as  there  is  no 
inherent.reason  for  believing  that  it  is  not  so  old. 

3.  The  Codex  Aubin 

This  codex,  which  dates  from  1576,  differs  fundamentally  from  the 
first  two  in  that  it  consists  clearly  of  two  parts,  one  dealing  with  the 
migrations  and  ending  with  the  foundation  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan 
(1325),  and  the  other  continuing  to  1576.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that 
our  particular  copy  carries  us  to  a  period  after  the  Conquest,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  up  to  1519  it  must  be  considered  a  primary 
source.  It  is  really  an  historical  document  consisting  of  two  or  more 
older  documents  united  and  continued  to  1576. 

The  first  part  covers  the  same  ground  as  the  combined  Codex 
Boturini  and  Mapa  de  Siguenza:  Orozco  y  Berra  was  of  the  opinion 
that  the  Codex  Aubin  is  really  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  combine  the 
former  two,  and  one  which  led  to  considerable  confusion.  There  is 
a  good  deal  of  justification  for  this  assumption.  There  are  three 


14  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

types  of  histories  for  the  period  preceding  the  fourteenth  century: 
one  covering  the  epoch  of  the  migrations  par  excellence  (Codex  Botu- 
rini,  Histoire  Mexicaine),  one  covering  the  period  of  the  struggles 
in  the  valley  (Mapa  de  8iguenza),  and  one  covering  both  (Codex 
Aubin}.  The  latter  is  not  so  much  an  attempt  to  combine  the  Codex 
Boturini  and  the  Mapa  de  Siguenza  as  an  endeavor  to  write  a  con 
nected  account  of  the  period  up  to  1325,  for  which  doubtless  the 
former  two,  or  documents  of  their  type,  were  utilized.  The  Nahuatl 
commentary  accompanying  it  substantiates  such  a  view,  for  it  con 
sists  mainly  of  the  speeches  ascribed  to  the  various  personages  of  the 
migration  period  and  other  explanatory  data  such  as  are  to  be  met 
with  in  post-Columbian  histories  of  the  entire  period  based  on  native 
sources  like  the  Codex  Ramirez,  Duran,  Tezozomoc  and  Ixtlilxochitl. 


4.  The  Atlas  of  Duran  and  the  Codex  Ramirez 

The  skeleton  for  Padre  Duran 's  Historia  de  las  Indias  de  Nueva 
Espana  y  Islas  de  Tierra  Firme  and  for  the  anonymous  Codex  Ramirez 
(cf.  pp.  67-123)  was  furnished  by  a  series  of  paintings  covering  the 
entire  history  of  the  Aztecs.  The  first  plate  of  the  Duran  and  the 
first  four  of  the  Ramirez  Atlas  deal  with  migrations.  It  is  rather 
interesting  to  note  what  portions  of  the  migration  period  were  selected 
for  incorporation  in  such  a  general  pictographic  record.  The  Codex 
Ramirez  has  the  following  four : 

(a)  The  seven  legendary  caves  from  which  the  Nahua  started. 

(b)  The  arrival  of  the  Aztecs  at  Cohuatepec,  in  the  cerro  of  Tula, 
described  as  a  place  abounding  in  game  and  fish.     The  picture  also 
represents  the  natives  of  the  place,  the  Otomi. 

(c)  The  arrival  of  the  Aztecs  at  the  cerro  of  Chapultepec. 

(d)  The  lagoon  of  Mexico. 

Aside  from  the  first,  which  is  without  any  real  significance,  the 
selection  of  illustrations  indicates  clearly  that  the  Aztecs  regarded 
three  events  of  paramount  importance  in  their  early  history :  their 
first  contact  with  the  peoples  around  the  valley  of  Mexico,  their  first 
strong  foothold  in  the  valley  at  Chapultepec,  and  the  founding  of 
the  city  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  in  the  lagoon  of  Mexico.  Since  this 
is  so  definitely  borne  out  by  the  documents  discussed  above  and  by 
all  later  accounts,  and  since  it  is  confirmed  by  the  histories  of  the 
older  Nahua  states  as  described  in  the  Tezcocan  records  (Codex 
Xolotl,  etc.),  the  Anales  de  CuaiMitlan,  and  lastly  by  the  accounts 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         15 

of  the  Indian-Spanish  historians  obtained  later  on,  we  are  forced  to 
the  conclusion  that  these  are  probably  all  historical  events  and  that  a 
determined  attempt  must  have  been  made  to  remember  them  so  clearly. 
We  have  deemed  it  safest,  until  proper  archaeological  studies  shall 
have  been  made,  to  put  no  great  credence  in  the  specific  details  of  the 
migration  record,  but  the  manner  in  which  the  early  facts  of  Aztec 
history  have  been  grouped  indicates  an  historical  instinct  and  is  a 
good  augury  for  the  correctness  of  part  of  these  wanderings,  even 
if  we  shall  be  compelled  to  materially  shorten  the  actual  duration  of 
their  journey. 

PRIMARY  CODEX  SOURCES  FOR  THE  POST-MIGRATION  PERIOD 

For  the  period  from  the  founding  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  to  the 
second  Motecuhzoma,  there  were  two  main  varieties  of  documents : 
special  monographs  on  particular  families,  reigns,  and  individuals, 
and  those  attempting  connected  accounts  of  past  events  up  to  the  time 
each  document  was  written.  As  a  rule,  only  the  history  of  a  particular 
city  was  given,  but  as  relations  with  other  cities  became  more  intimate, 
through  war  or  trade,  or  as  confederacies  were  formed,  a  third  type 
of  record  came  into  existence :  that  which  attempted  to  give  the  history 
of  two  or  even  more  cities  at  the  same  time.  Such  accounts  as  these 
were  probably  never  numerous.  A  number  of  originals  of  this  group 
have  been  preserved,  such  as  the  Mapa  de  Tepechpan  and  the  Codex 
en  Croix.  Nahuatl  commentaries,  as,  for  example,  the  Anales  de 
Cuauhtitlan,  those  of  Chimalpahin,  and  others,  belong  to  this  same 
class.  Practically  all  of  those  concerned  with  the  history  of  Mexico- 
Tenochtitlan  have  disappeared,  except  copies  of  a  number  of  general 
histories  such  as  the  Atlas  of  Duran,  the  Codex  Ramirez,  the  Codex 
Mendoza,  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  and  the  Codex  Vatioanus  A. 
A  few  of  the  first  variety  covering  special  periods  have  also  come  down 
to  us,  like  the  Codex  Cozcatzin  or  those  in  the  form  of  anonymous 
interpretations  of  hieroglyphic  records  now  lost,  such  as  the  Anales 
Mexicanos  (Anonimo  numero  5)  and  the  Anales  Mexicanos  (Anonimo 
numero  6)  mentioned  by  Chavero.11  That  there  were  a  number  of 
such  contemporary  records  men  like  Duran  and  Torquemada  amply 
attest.  The  former,  for  instance,  speaks  of  a  painting  concerning 
Ilancueitl,  the  wife  of  Acamapichtli,  of  numerous  records  concerning 


11  Alfredo  Chavero,  in  "Mexico  a  traves  de  los  siglos, "  Mexico,  1889,  Intro- 
duccion,  xxiv. 


16  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

the  second  ruler  of  Mexico,  of  one  concerning  the  fourth  ruler,  and  of 
one  relating  to  the  fifth.12 

"We  are  much  better  off  in  connection  with  the  history  of  the 
so-called  Chichimecs,  so  far  as  the  preservation  of  original  documents 
is  concerned,  for  three  important  sources  are  still  extant  that  were 
used  by  Ixtlilxochitl  in  writing  his  histories :  the  Codex  Xolotl,  the 
Mapa  Tlotzin,  and  the  Mapa  Quinatzin  (sections  8,  9,  10,  below). 

A.  Manuscripts  Covering  Special  Periods 
5.  The  Codex  Cozcatzin 

This  document  covers  the  years  1439-1572.  It  may  be  identical 
in  part  with  Chavero's  Anales  de  Mexico  y  Tlatelulco™  Since,  how 
ever,  the  latter  begins  with  the  year  1473,  it  seems  better  to  regard 
it  as  another  account  of  approximately  the  same  period. 

The  Codex  Cozcatzin  consists  of  a  number  of  colored  paintings 
depicting  twenty-three  personages,  the  rulers  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan 
and  Tlatelulco  and  their  descendants  well  down  into  the  Spanish 
period.  However,  the  essential  portions  are  concerned  with  the 
war  between  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  and  Tlatelulco  under  their  rulers, 
Axayacatl  (1469-1482)  and  Moquihuix,  respectively.  This  occurred 
about  1473,  the  year  in  which  the  Anales  de  Mexico  y  de  Tlatelulco 
begin.  From  the  Nahuatl  glosses  accompanying  the  pictographs,  and 
from  other  documents  written  after  the  Conquest,  we  know  all  the 
petty  details  of  this  war,  how  it  arose  through  the  jealousy  of  Moqui 
huix  and  how  it  came  to  a  head  when,  in  imitation  of  Axayacatl,  he 
also  built  a  new  temple  and  finally,  at  the  head  of  confederates,  tried 
to  surprise  Mexico-Tenochtitlan.  The  Tlatelulcans  were  detected  and 
driven  back  to  their  city  where  their  wives  hastened  to  their  aid. 
The  latter  portion  of  these  occurrences  is  pictured  in  one  of  the 
paintings.  The  main  painting  represents  Axayacatl's  final  fight  with 
Moquihiux  and  the  latter 's  defeat  and  death. 

Both  in  Duran's  Atlas  and  in  the  Atlas  of  the  Codex  Ramirez  a 
number  of  the  incidents  of  this  bitter  war  are  depicted.  It  was  an 
important  period  in  the  history  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  for  it  marked 
the  complete  ascendancy  of  this  city  over  its  most  persistent  and 
dangerous  rival.  Probably  owing  to  this,  as  well  as  to  the  fact  that 

12  Cf.  E.  Beauvais'  illuminating  study  of  Duran  as  an  historian  in  his  article, 
"L'histoire  de  Pancien  Mexique  "  in  the  Revue  des  Questions  Historiques.  xxxvm, 
109-165,  1885. 

"  "Mexico  a  traves  de  los  siglos,"  Mexico,  1889,  Introduccion,  xxiv. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         17 

the  details  of  the  war  were  still  comparatively  fresh  in  the  minds  of 
the  Mexicans  when  the  Spaniards  arrived,  we  are  exceedingly  well 
informed  about  them. 


6.  The  Mapa,  de  Tepechpan 

This  document  narrates  in  a  series  of  paintings  the  history  of  the 
district  of  Tepechpan  and  of  the  city  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  from 
1298-1596.  The  first  fourteen  paintings  take  us  as  far  as  1510.  It 
begins  with  the  arrival  of  the  Chichimecs  at  Colhuacan  and  of  the 
Aztecs  at  Chapultepec  and  gives  us  the  hieroglyph  dates  of  these 
important  events.  It  then  continues  picturing  events:  now  those  of 
Tepechpan,  now  those  of  Mexican  history.  All  important  occurrences 
are  generally  provided  with  dates. 


7.  The  Codex  en  Croix 

This  portrays  the  history  of  Cuauhtitlan,  Tezcuco,  and  Mexico 
from  1402-1557.  It  is  divided  into  four  quarters,  subdivided  into 
thirteen  compartments,  each  one  containing  one  specific  scene  con 
nected  with  the  destinies  of  the  states  just  mentioned.  Dates  are 
liberally  supplied  so  that  one  can  have  no  doubt  about  the  events 
mentioned. 

8.  The  Codex  Xolotl 

This  famous  manuscript  covers  a  fairly  long  time,  embracing  the 
period  between  the  coming  of  the  Chichimecs  to  the  valley  of  Mexico 
under  their  half -legendary  leader  Xolotl  (963)  to  the  reconquest  of 
Tezcuco  by  Nezahualcoyotl  (1428).  The  extensive  detail  with  which 
the  reign  of  Ixtlilxochitl,  Nezahualcoyotl's  father,  as  well  as  the 
struggles  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  his  flight  and  romantic  adventures,  are 
chronicled,  demonstrate  clearly  that  the  document  was  written  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  latter  and  is  therefore  no  older  than  1428.  It 
seems  also  clear  that  the  early  chronology  of  the  document  is  quite 
untrustworthy  and  has  been  unduly  extended.  Apparently  the  con 
quest  of  the  valley  by  the  invading  Chichimecas  played  the  same  role 
for  the  Tezcucans  that  the  migration  period  did  for  the  Aztecs  and 
was  embellished  with  mythical  details.  Just  as  we  were  compelled 
to  assume,  however,  that  the  fondness  with  which  the  Aztecs  treated 
the  subject  of  their  migrations,  has  a  certain  historical' meaning,  so 


18  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  ArcJi.  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

we  are  compelled  to  assume  that  the  excessive  detail  encountered  and 
the  apparent  pleasure  the  Tezcucans  seemed  to  find  in  narrating  their 
conquest  of  the  valley,  are  of  significance  for  their  history.  An 
approach  to  an  accurate  chronology  begins  fully  a  hundred  to  a  hun 
dred  and  fifty  years  before  that  of  the  Aztecs,  which  is  exactly  as 
was  to  be  expected. 

The  Codex  Xolotl  and  the  two  documents  to  be  mentioned  after 
wards — the  Mapa  Tlotzin  and  the  Mapa  Quinatzin — were  utilized  by 
the  historian  Ixtlilxochitl  for  his  famous  Historia  Chichimeca  and  his 
Relaciones  and  we  are  thus  in  a  position,  in  this  particular  instance, 
to  control  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  secondary  sources  for 
early  Mexican  history  and  to  form  some  idea  of  the  manner  in  which 
a  man  living  but  a  short  time  after  the  Conquest  was  able  to  interpret 
the  old  manuscripts  and  what  information  he  was  still  able  to  obtain 
from  original  sources  known  to  him  and  from  the  oral  information  of 
the  Indians. 

9.  The  Mapa  Tlotzin. 

This  document,  herewith  reproduced  (plates  13,  14,  15),  which  we 
give  below  with  the  commentary  of  Aubin  and  with  his  unduly 
schematic  arrangement  of  events,14  deals  with  the  rulers  of  the  states 
of  Acolhuacan.  The  document  seems  to  discuss  a  number  of  separate 
things,  first  giving  the  names  of  towns  near  Tezcuco,  then  of  those 
around  the  lagoon  of  Mexico.  After  that  it  suddenly  shifts  into  a  dis 
cussion  of  the  early  period  of  Chichimec  history,  when  the  Chichimec 
were  still  nomads;  then  narrates  in  detail  the  manner  in  which  their 
early  leader  Tlotzin,  the  founder  of  Tezcuco,  was  found  by  the  Chal- 
cans  and  gradually  introduced  to  their  superior  manner  of  life,  and, 
finally,  we  have  a  very  rapid  summary  of  the  events  from  that  time 
on  to  the  rule  of  Nezahualpilli,  the  son  of  Nezahualcoyotl.  Glosses  in 
Nahuatl,  written  after  the  Conquest,  explain  a  number  of  important 
matters,  especially  the  approximate  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Aztecs 
and  other  tribes. 

Whether  or  not  we  are  dealing  here  with  a  document  of  an  his 
torical  nature  in  the  same  degree  as  the  others  treated  above,  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  say.  Aubin  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  Mapa 
Tlotzin  was  used  for  pedagogical  purposes  in  connection  with  the 
Tezcucan  system  of  instruction.  This  theory  seems  rather  far-fetched. 

14  J.  M.  Aubin,  ( '  Memoires  sur  la  peinture  didactique  et  1  'ecriture  figurative 
des  anciens  Mexicains. "  Paris,  3885. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         19 

There  is  no  reason  why  there  may  not  have  been  quite  a  variety  of 
documents,  some  of  which  were  not  mere  chronicles  but  compilations 
similar  to  this  one. 

10.  The  Mapa  Quinatzin 

This  document  (reproduced  as  plates  16,  17)  is  translated  with 
Aubin's  commentary  and  over-schematic  manner  of  presentation. 
It  begins  with  the  rule  of  Quinatzin,  the  son  of  Tlotzin,  and  ends,  in 
a  general  way,  with  that  of  Nezahualpilli.  Like  the  Mapa  Tlotzin 
it  is  a  manuscript  of  composite  nature,  partly  historical,  but  dealing, 
on  the  whole,  with  the  faTorite  Tezcucan  topic  of  their  gradual  cul 
tural  acclimatization.  Part  II  gives,  in  the  main,  a  description  of  the 
social  organization  of  the  Tezcucans  after  the  restoration  of  Nezahual- 
coyotl. 

The  Mapa  Quinatzin  belongs  to  a  type  mentioned  by  Boturini  of 
which  there  are  other  examples  to  be  found  in  his  catalogue  of  manu 
scripts.15 


A  B.     Manuscripts  Covering  the  Entire  Period  of  Mexican  History 

All  these  were  either  wholly  written  after  the  Conquest  or  consist 
of  earlier  accounts  continued  until  after  the  Conquest.  The  Nahuatl 
glosses  so  often  found  accompanying  them  are,  of  course,  post- 
Columbran,  but  it  is  often  difficult  to  tell  whether  the  paintings  are 
originals  or  copies.  In  the  case  of  those  given  in  the  Atlas  of  Duran, 
the  drawing's  show  only  too  clearly  that  European  influences  have 
been  at  work,  and  we  know  this  to  have  been  so  in  the  case  of  the 
Codex  Mendoza,  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  and  the  Codex  Vati 
c-anus  A.  In  other  instances  the  fact  of  European  influence  is  difficult 
to  determine.  However,  it  smacks  of  antiquarianism  to  lay  too  great 
stress,  as  a  number  of  Mexicanists  have  done,  upon  the  fact  that 
we  are  dealing  with  copies.  If  internal  evidence  justifies  us  in  assum 
ing  that  the  copies  are  faithful  ones,  no  more  need  be  asked. 


11.  The  Histoire  Mexicaine 

This  manuscript,  which  was  written  after  the  Conquest,  consists 
of  two  parts,  one  dealing  with  the  migration  of  the  Aztecs  from  Aztlan 
and  continuing  until  the  captivity  of  Huitzilihuitl  the  Elder,  an 


15  Idea  de  una  nueva  historia,  etc.     Cf.  footnote  (3),  p. 


20  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

event  which  is  also  depicted  in  the  Codex  Boturini  and  which  is  sup 
posed  to  have  taken  place  in  the  year  1332-1333.  This  is  the  codex 
which  Lehmann  considers  related  to  the  Codex  Boturini.  Apparently 
he  is  speaking  only  of  the  first  part,  for  the  second  portion  deals  with 
the  history  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  from  Huitzilihuitl's  captivity  to 
the  Conquest.  The  date  of  the  latter 's  captivity  is  certainly  erroneous, 
for  we  know  definitely  that  it  took  place  before  the  founding  of  Mexico- 
Tenochtitlan. 

The  second  portion  depicts  the  history  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  from 
the  election  of  Acamapichtli  to  the  Conquest.  Certain  events  con- 
concerning  the  neighboring  city  of  Tlatelulco  and  Tezcuco  are  likewise 
mentioned,  but  only  incidentally,  although  the  Tepanecan  war,  on 
account  of  its  connection  with  the  destinies  of  Mexico,  received  rather 
full  treatment. 

This  is  certainly  one  of  the  most  important  of  our  early  sources 
and,  in  its  selection  of  events,  demonstrates  again  what  true  historical 
insight  the  Mexican  writers  had. 


12.  The  Atlas  of  Duran16 

This  atlas  has  been  referred  to  before,  under  heading  4,  in  con 
nection  with  the  Aztec  migrations.  It  is  either  an  early  copy  or  an 
original  that  has  been  made  to  conform  to  European  ideas  of  draughts 
manship.  Even  if  it  be  of  post-Columbian  date,  there  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  the  paintings  are  not  faithful  copies  of  the  originals. 
Duran  had  access,  according  to  his  own  testimony,  to  innumerable 
originals  and  seems  throughout  his  work  to  show  a  marked  preference 
for  going  back  to  sources,  instead  of  relying  upon  the  aid  of  con 
temporaries.  He  uses  oral  tradition  only  to  fill  out  his  story.  How 
much  could  be  obtained  in  the  latter  way,  however,  the  size  of  his 
history  shows,  especially  when  it  is  compared  with  the  small  number 
of  paintings  upon  which  it  was  presumably  based. 

Owing  to  the  primary  importance  of  the  work  I  will  give  a 
description  of  his  fifty-two  drawings.  They  are  supposed  to  illustrate 
certain  chapters,  or,  rather,  the  chapters  are  written  to  elucidate  the 
illustrations  which,  of  course,  always  contain  far  more  than  an  unin 
itiated  person  could  possibly  tell.  The  paintings  themselves,  listed 
as  plates  in  Duran,  deal  with  single  events,  as  follows : 


is  Published  by  Ramirez  in  his   edition  of  Duran 's   ' '  Historia   de   la  Nueva 
Espafia,"  etc.,  Mexico,  1867-1880. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        21 

(1)  The  islands  and  the  mainland  from  which  it  is  believed  these  Indians  came. 

(2)  How  the  aborigines  set  out  from  their  homes  in  the  seven  caves  to  come 
to  this  country. 

(3)  The  arrival  of  the  Mexicans  in  the  country  of  Mexico  and  the  things  that 
happened  to  them  before  they  reached  this  place. 

(4)  What  happened  to  the  Mexicans  after  they  reached  Chapultepec. 

(5)  How  the  Mexicans,  at  the  instigation  of  their  deity,  went  to  look  for  the 
tunal  and  the  eagle,  and  how  they  found  them  and  agreed  to  erect  a  building  there. 

(6)  The  first  king  of  Mexico,  named  Acamapichtli,  and  Avhat  happened  during 
his  reign. 

(7)  The  second  king  of  Mexico,  named  Vitzilihuitl,  and  his  great  deeds  and 
acts  of  prowess. 

(8)  The  third  king  of  Mexico,  named  Chimalpopoca,  and  of  what  happened 
in  his  time. 

(9)  The  election  of  the  king  Itzcoatl  and  how  he  freed  the  eity  of  Mexico,  and 
of  other  things  that  happened  during  his  reign. 

(10)  How  the  Tepanecans  of  Cuyuacan  decided  to  wage  war  against  the  Mexi 
cans  and  how  they  were  defeated. 

(11)  Of  the  great  enmity  that  developed  between  the  people   of  Xochimilco 
and  the  Mexicans,  which  resulted,  after  intense  fighting  between  the  two,  in  the 
total    defeat   of   the  Xochimilcans   after    great   injury   and   slaughter   had    been 
inflicted  upon  them. 

(12)  How,  after  the  people  of  Xuchimilco  and  the  Tepanecans  had  constructed 
the  highway,  Izcoatl,  the  king  of  Mexico,  ordered  that  the  land  of  the  Xuchimilcans 
should  be  distributed   (among  his  people). 

(13)  How    the    people    of    Cuitlahuac    rebelled    against   the    Mexicans    during 
the  reign  of  Izocoatl  and  how  they  were  conquered. 

(14)  The  election   of  the  fifth  king  of  Mexico,   Ueue   Motecuzuma,   the   first 
of  that  name,  and  of  the  treaty  of  friendship  into  which  he  entered  with  Nezahual- 
coyotl,  the  king  of  Tezcuco. 

(15)  Of   the  terrible  battle   that   took   place   between   the   Mexicans   and   the 
Chalcans,  between  the  towns  of  Amecameca  and  Tepupula,  where  the  latter  tried 
to  avenge  the  cruel  sacrifices  that  had  been  made  of  some  of  their  people.     Here 
three  of  the  brothers  of  Motecuzuma  were  killed,  but  finally  the  Chalcans  were 
conquered. 

(16)  Concerning  the  feasts  and  the  sacrifices  that  were  made  upon  the  stone 
called  Cuauhxicalli,  made  in  the  form  of  the  sun,  the  prisoners  from  Coaixtlauac 
being  used  for  this  purpose. 

(17)  Concerning  the  terrible  famine  that  raged  over  the  land  for  a  period  of 
three  years,  during  the  reign  of  Motecuzuma  the  first,  and  of  the  aid  extended 
to  the  poor  people   of  Mexico  to  prevent  them   from   dying  and  the   city   from 
being  depopulated. 

(18)  How  the  king  Motecuzuma  had  certain  figures  cut  into  a  rock  in  the  cerr<>^ 
of  Chapultepec,  and  of  his  end  and  death. 

(19)  Concerning  the  election  of  the  king  Axayacatzin,  and  of  the  things  that 
took  place  during  his  reign. 

(20)  Concerning  the  ferocious  battle  that  took  place  between  the  Tlatelulcans 
and  the  Mexicans. 

(21)  Concerning  the  second  battle  that  took  place  between  the  Tlateulcans  and 
the  Mexicans  and  how  the  latter  were  victorious. 


22  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

(22)  How  the  people  of  Tenantzinco  asked  the  Mexicans  for  aid  against  the 
people  of  Toluca  and  those  of  Matlatzinco  and  how  this  help  was  given  and  the 
latter  peoples  destroyed. 

(23)  How  the  two  stones  were  placed  and  how  the  people  of  Matlatzinco  were 
sacrificed  upon  them  at  the  feast. 

(24)  Concerning  the  long  and  elaborate  obsequies  which  were  observed  by  the 
Mexicans  in  connection  with  those  who  were  killed  in  war,  especially  the  nobles. 

(25)  The  election  of  the  seventh  king,  called  Tizozicatzin,  and  the  presents  the 
lords  brought  for  the  deceased  king,  and  the  speeches  that  were  delivered. 

(26)  How  the  Mexicans  determined  to  make  war  upon  the  people  of  Metztitlan 
in  order  to  bring  men  for  the  coronation  sacrifices  of  the  king,  and  of  how  he  was 
anointed. 

(27)  How  after  the  (final)  acts  of  Tizozicatzin,  the  king  of  Mexico,  a  younger 
brother  was  elected  ruler,  and  of  the  great  discussion  that  took  place  on  that 
occasion. 

(28)  How  the  king  Ahuitzotl  completed  the  erection  of  the  temple  and  how 
a  solemn  feast  was  held  in  honor  of  that  occasion  and  many  people  sacrificed. 

(29)  How  the  festivities  and  sacrifices  began  and  how  Ahuitzotl  ordered  that 
all  the  people  of  the  country,  men  and  women,  old  and  young,  should  be  sought 
out  and  brought  before  him,  so  that  his  memory  should  be  eternal. 

(30)  How    the    Mexicans    waged    war    against    the    people    of    Tehuantepec, 
Izhuatan,  Miauatlan,  and  Amaxtlan,  a  very  famous  province,  and  how  they  were 
conquered. 

(31)  How  the  king  Ahuitzotl,  after  his  return  from  the  war,  visited  all  the 
temples,  and  of  the  great  offerings  and  sacrifices  he  made  in  gratitude   for  his 
victories,  and  also  of  the  thanks  he  rendered  to  his  vassals. 

(32)  Concerning  the  death  of  Tlacaellel;  and  also  how  the  king  Ahuitzotl  asked 
the  lord  of  Cuicuacan  for  the  water  of  Acuecuexco  and  of  the  excuse  that  he  gave, 
which  led  the  king  to  order  his  execution. 

(33)  How  the  water  entered  the  city  of  Mexico  and  of  the  great  joy  with  which 
it  was  received;  and  how  it  submerged  Mexico  and  forced  the  people  to  flee  from 
the  city. 

(34)  How  news  reached  Mexico  that  the  people  of  the  provinces  of  Xoconocho 
and  Xolotla  and  the   Mazatecans  were   maltreating   the   people   of   Tehuantepec, 
because  they  had  submitted  to  the  Mexicans,  and  of  the  war  which  the  Mexicans 
waged  in  consequence. 

(35)  Concerning  the   death   of   Ahuitzotl   and    of   the   solemn   obsequies   that 
were  performed  on  that  occasion  and  the  great  pomp  with  which  he  was  buried. 

(36)  Concerning  the  solemn  meeting  that  took  place  in  connection  with  the 
election  of  a  new  king  of  Mexico  and  how  the  great  and  powerful  lord  Montezuma, 
the  second  of  that  name  was  elected;  and  of  his  great  and  splendid  qualities. 

(37)  Concerning  the  order  and  precision  which  the  king  Montezuma  brought 
into  his  personal  household  and  of  other  matters  that  he  ordained,  worthy  of  so 
great  a  ruler. 

(38)  Concerning  the  solemn  feasts  which  were  given  on  the  occasion  of  the 
coronation  and  public  anointment  of  the  king  Montezuma,  and  of  the  great  number 
of  people  who  were  sacrificed  then. 

(39)  How  Montezuma  conquered  the  provinces  of  Cuatzontlan  and  Xaltepec 
and  how  he  ordered  that  all  the  old  men  and  old  women  should  be  killed  and  only 
the  young  people  allowed  to  live. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        23 

(40)  The  reasons  for  which  Montezuma  began  war  upon  the  people  of  Quet; 
zaltepee  and  Toto tepee  and  of  the  great  resistance  they  offered  to  his  efforts  at 
conquest. 

(41)  About  the  terrible  battle  that  the  people  of  Vexotzinco  had  with  the 
Mexicans  in  the  valley  of  Atlixco,  in  which  the  flower  of  the  Mexicans  and  Tezcu- 
cans  perished  and  in  which  the  Vexotzincans  remained  victors. 

(42)  How   Montezuma  ordered   that  a  temple   to   Coatlan  be   erected,  to   be 
included  in  that  of  Uitzilopuchtli,  and  to  be  called  Coateocalli,  that  is  the-temple- 
of-the-snake .  .  .  and  of  the  elaborate  feast  that  wras  celebrated  upon  its  completion 
and  the  large  number  of  men  who  were  sacrificed. 

(43)  How  the  people  of  Cholula  sent  some  persons  to  defy  the  Mexicans  on 
the  road  of  Atlixco,  and  how  a  battle  took  place  between  (the  two  parties)  within 
three  days  after  the  defiance. 

(44)  Concerning  the  enmity  and  the  war  which  arose  between  the  Tlaxcalte- 
cans  and  the  Vexotzincans  and  how  the  Vexotzincans  came  to  the  king  of  Mexico 
for  aid,  which  he  gave. 

(45)  Concerning  the  cruel  sacrifice  that  was  made  of  the  Tlaxcaltecans  on  the 
day  of  the  feast  of  the  goddess  Tozi,  and  how  the  Vexotzincans,  angered  when 
they  found  this  out,  burned  the  temple  of  that  deity. 

(46)  How  the  king  of  Tezcuco,  Nezahualpintzintli,  informed  Montezuma   of 
the  near  approach  of  the  Spaniards  and  of  how  few  victories  against  their  enemies 
were  still  in  store  for  them. 

(47)  How  a  comet  appeared  in  the  heavens  and  the  worry  this  caused  Monte 
zuma  and  how  he  sent  for  the  king  of  Tezcuco  to  have  him  explain  its  meaning 
to  him. 

(48)  Concerning   the    death    of   Nezahualpilli,   king   of    Tezcuco,    and    of    the 
election  of  a  new  king  named  Quetzalaxoyatl. 

(49)  How  the   people   of   Coixtlahuaca   who   were   bringing  their   tributes   to 
Mexico,  were  assailed  and  robbed  by  the  people  of  Tlachquiauhco  on  the  highway, 
and  of  the  war  which  Montezuma  waged  with  the  latter  on  this  account  and  of 
how,  afterwards,  many  people  were  sacrificed. 

(50)  How  Montezuma  ordered  that  a  very  large  stone  should  be  sought,  upon 
which  the  sacrifice  by  decapitation  should  be  performed,  and  of  what  happened 
when  this  stone  was  brought  to  Mexico. 

(51)  How  Montezuma  decided  to   leave  the  city  and  hide  himself  where  he 
could  not  be  found,  how  he  set  out  to  do  this,  and  the  bad  omen  that  appeared. 

(52)  How  Montezuma  commanded   that  all  the   old  men  and  women   of   the 
city  should  be  brought  before  him  and  that  they  should  tell  him  all  the  dreams 
that  they  had  had  concerning  impending  events,  and  about  other  prognostications 
touching  him;  and  of  the  large  number  of  people  he  ordered  killed  because  their 
dreams  were  contrary  to  what  he  wished. 

A  glance  at  the  descriptions  of  these  illustrations  will  suffice  to 
show  that  it  is  not  merely  the  birth  and  death  of  kings  which  have  been 
selected  for  treatment,  but  often  events  of  fundamental  importance, 
as,  for  instance,  the  details  of  the  election  of  rulers,  the  completion 
of  public  edifices,  the  planning  of  public  undertakings,  the  distribution 
of  the  lands  of  the  conquered,  the  changes  introduced  by  different 
rulers  in  the  management  of  affairs,  etc.  There  is  no  reason  to 


24  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

believe  that  Duran  possessed  any  unusual  historical  acumen  or  that 
the  selection  he  has  given  us  was  made  entirely  by  him,  and  there  is 
ample  justification,  both  from  what  he  himself  has  told  us  and  from 
other  sources,  for  believing  that  the  selection  of  events  for  treatment 
and  the  manner  of  their  treatment  reflects  the  notions  of  the  old  Aztec 
historians.  One  thing  we  know  definitely — that  Duran  did  not  by 
any  means  make  use  of  all  the  manuscripts  that  were  known  in  his 
time,  or,  for  that  matter,  all  that  he  had  at  his  disposal. 

13.  The  Atlas  of  the  Codex  Ramirez 

The  subjects  of  the  paintings  are  given  on  pages  21-23  of  this 
monograph.  It  will  be  noticed  that  they  are  only  in  part  identical  with 
those  of  the  Atlas  of  Duran.  Like  the  latter,  the  drawings  have  been 
worked  over  by  artists  influenced  by  European  ideas  of  draughts 
manship.  The  Codex  Ramirez  is  probably  an  abridged  account  of 
Mexican  history  taken  from  fuller  sources  (for  detailed  discussion, 
cf.  pp.  29-30),  and  for  that  reason  there  is  a  likelihood  that  a 
more  conscious  selection  took  place  than  in  the  case  of  the  Atlas  of 
Duran.  However,  some  of  the  main  differences  in  selection  and  in 
emphasis  can  be  safely  ascribed  to  differences  in  viewpoint,  either 
between  the  later  authors  or  between  the  original  sources  from  which 
they  drew.  The  Atlas  of  Duran  lays  special  stress  upon  three  rulers 
—the  elder  Montezuma,  Ahuitzotl,  and  the  younger  Montezuma, 
especially  the  latter — while  the  Atlas  of  the  Codex  Ramirez  stresses 
the  figures  of  Itzcoatl  and  Tlacaellel.  Indeed,  from  the  exclusive 
importance  assigned  Tlacaellel  one  almost  gets  the  impression  that 
the  document  was  written  by  some  partisan  of  the  latter. 

The  three  codices  that  we  come  to  now,  differ  in  some  fundamental 
ways  from  the  two  Atlases  described  above.  In  the  first  place  we 
know  definitely  that  all  of  them  were  compiled  after  the  Conquest 
and  for  specific  purposes,  so  that  a  certain  amount  of  artificial  selection 
of  sources  is  to  be  assumed;  secondly,  that  they  form  but  portions, 
and  apparently  unimportant  ones,  of  much  larger  treatises  designed 
to  give  Europeans  a  complete  account  of  the  old  Aztec  culture.  So 
far  as  the  selection  of  historical  pictures  is  concerned,  a  glance  for 
instance  at  the  Codex  Mendoza  shows  clearly  that  the  compiler  was 
interested  mainly  in  giving  an  account,  very  much  after  the  manner 
of  the  mediaeval  chronicles,  of  the  births  and  deaths  of  rulers,  their 
conquests,  and  the  peculiar  events  which  happened  during  their  reigns. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        25 

Consequently  the  picture  which  the  author  draws  of  Aztec  history  is 
anything  but  satisfactory.  He  does,  however,  give  far  more  detail 
than  either  of  the  two  Atlases  about  the  conquests  of  the  various 
rulers,  and  his  work  is,  therefore,  of  exceptional  value  in  this  con 
nection.  The  large  number  of  details  which  it  was  possible  to  obtain 
on  one  particular  aspect  of  Aztec  history,  namely,  their  conquests, 
demonstrate  again  the  richness  and  the  variety  of  the  sources  which 
must  have  been  at  the  disposal  of  the  native  historian. 

The  other  two  codices,  namely  the  Codex  TeUeriano-Remensis  and 
the  Codex  Vaticanus  A,  which  are  clearly  related  to  each  other,  are  of 
far  more  value  than  the  Codex  Mendoza  and  appear  to  be  fairly 
faithful  copies  of  originals. 

14.  The  Codex  Mendoza 

The  commentary  accompanying  the  paintings  is  translated  on 
pages  50-56  of  this  monograph.  There  are  hardly  any  distinctive 
characteristics  about  it,  except,  as  we  have  indicated  before,  that  the 
conquests  of  the  different  rulers  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  are  given  in 
considerable  detail.  No  ruler  is  stressed  in  particular  and  no  specific 
viewpoint  is  manifested  by  the  compiler.  We  can  gauge  the  impor 
tance  of  the  different  rulers  only  by  the  size  of  the  list  and  by  the 
names  of  the  different  cities  they  are  credited  with  capturing.  Certain 
cardinal  points  in  the  history  of  the  Aztecs  are,  nevertheless,  brought 
out,  such  as  their  early  subjection  to  the  people  of  Culhuacan  and 
their  successful  revolt,  the  long  and  persistent  struggle  which  the 
Chalcans  made  against  all  attempts  on  the  part  of  the  Aztecs  to  con 
quer  them,  the  frequency  with  which  towns  which  had  been  appar 
ently  conquered  rebelled,  the  approximate  date  for  the  first  attempts 
of  the  Aztecs  to  carry  their  conquests  beyond  the  valley  of  Mexico 
proper,  the  rather  irregular  distribution  of  the  cities  conquered, 
etc.  Apart  from  such  general  indications,  however,  it  must  be  con 
fessed  that  this  codex  is  utterly  unreliable  and  misleading.  It  is 
inaccurate  concerning  details  where  full  and  accurate  knowledge  was 
easily  available,  full  of  unnecessary  mythical  detail  and  bears  on 
every  page  the  unmistakable  signs  of  being  a  hasty  concoction  for 
the  consumption  of  Europeans.  It  is  rather  remarkable  that  the  other 
parts  of  the  codex  should  be  so  far  superior  to  the  historical  section. 

So  far  as  the  paintings  themselves  are  concerned,  they  too,  show 
clearly  that  all  the  author  or  compiler  sought  to  do  was  to  obtain 


26  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

anything  he  could  lay  his  hands  on,  and  that  he  went  about  his  work 
in  an  absolutely  uncritical  manner.  Sometimes  it  is  an  important 
event  that  is  illustrated,  sometimes  important  individuals  whose  por 
traits  are  given,  but  just  as  often  we  get  gossip  or  mythical  detail. 

15.  The  Codex-  Telleriano-Remensis 

The  historical  portion  of  this  codex,  like  the  former,  is  part  of  a 
compilation  made  for  a  definite  purpose,  but  apparently  it  was  the 
work  of  people  with  considerable  discrimination  and  of  individuals 
who  had  access  to  excellent  material.  While  it  also  over-emphasizes 
the  conquests  of  the  Aztecs,  it  gives  other  events  in  their  proper 
perspective.  The  paintings  are  judiciously  chosen,  if  indeed  they  do 
not  represent  an  aboriginal  series  that  has  been  but  slightly  altered, 
and  the  Spanish  commentary,  while  it  leaves  much  to  be  desired  and 
shows  traces  of  the  mediaeval  annalistic  tendency  still  so  frequent 
at  that  time  among  the  Spaniards,  is,  nevertheless,  a  vast  improvement 
over  that  of  the  Codex  Mendoza. 


16.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  A 

The  historical  portion  is  unannotated.  Its  relationship  to  the 
Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  is  unmistakable.  This,  in  addition  to  the 
fact  that  the  events  are  well  dated,  makes  it  a  comparatively  easy  task 
to  interpret  the  codex.  The  paintings  are  in  the  main  the  same  as 
those  of  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  except  that  a  number,  begin 
ning  with  the  captivity  of  Huitzilihuitl,  are  identical  with  those  in  the 
Codex  Boturini  and  that  the  divergences  between  it  and  the  Codex 
Telleriano-Remensis  become  more  marked  as  we  approach  the  end  of 
the  fifteenth  century. 

17.  The  Codex  Aubin 

This  was  mentioned  before  in  connection  with  the  Aztec  migrations. 
The  historical  portion,  that  is,  the  part  devoted  to  the  history  after 
the  founding  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  is  quite  inadequate,  sketchy, 
and  of  no  particular  value  except  for  chronology.  One  gets  the 
impression  throughout  that  the  real  kernel  of  this  manuscript  was 
the  detailed  account  of  migrations  and  that  the  events  after  the 
termination  of  the  migration  period  were  put  in  by  some  rather  incom- 


1920J       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         27 

petent  Indian  long  after  the  Conquest,  perhaps  as  late  as  1607,  the 
year  with  which  the  codex  terminates. 

The  last  nineteen  pages  of  Aubin's  reproduction  of  this  codex 
contain  the  pictures  of  all  the  Aztec  rulers  from  Tenoch  (the  legendary 
founder  of  the  city),  to  those  of  the  Spanish  period.  While  this 
manuscript  is  not  of  very  great  significance,  it  probably  gives  us  some 
idea  of  what  the  old  genealogies  were  like,  for  that  is  what  it  really  is. 

PRIMARY  SOURCES  PRESERVED  IN  COMMENTARIES  ONLY 

In  addition  to  these  original  historical  manuscripts  and  copies  of 
originals  there  are  numerous  subsidiary  documents  of  fundamental 
importance  for  the  reconstruction  of  ancient  Mexican  history.  The 
most  valuable  are  the  tribute  lists,  containing  the  names  of  the  pueblos 
subject  to  Mexico  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  and  the  nature  of  the 
tributes  they  paid,  maps  of  the  different  cities,  land  titles,  genealogical 
lists,  historical  chants,  etc.  An  example  of  the  last  is  given  on 
pages  130-131.  The  most  famous  of  the  tribute  lists  is  that  preserved 
in  the  Codex  Mendoza.  It  is,  however,  to  be  used  with  caution  for 
it  does  not  contain  all  the  towns  that  were  subject  to  Mexico-Tenoch- 
titlan  and  does  include  some  that  are  doubtful,  and,  above  all,  it  does 
not  indicate  to  what  extent  these  pueblos  were  subject  in  part  to 
Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  in  part  to  Tezcuco,  and  in  part  to  Tacuba. 
The  list  given  by  Motolinia,17  although  smaller,  is  far  more  accurate  in. 
this  regard. 

18.  Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas 

This  is  a  general  account  of  the  creation  and  of  the  development 
of  the  Aztecs  from  the  legendary  period  to  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  It  is  clearly  based  on  a  series  of  paintings  that  have  dis 
appeared,  but  which  were  probably  similar  to  those  of  the  Codex 
Boturini,  the  Codex  Ramirez,  and  the  Atlas  of  Duran.  The  author 
is  unknown  but  he  could  not  have  been  a  person  of  any  extensive 
knowledge  or  great  discrimination,  to  judge  from  the  haphazard  and 
unintelligent  manner  in  which  he  has  presented  his  material.  Some 
of  the  really  salient  facts  of  Aztec  history  are  brought  out,  as  well  as 
the  story  of  the  migrations,  which  is  given  at  some  length,  but  both 
are  told  in  a  rather  confused  way.  The  close  relation  between  the 
paintings  and  the  explanations  seems  to  be  lost.  We  are  not  dealing 

i?  Memoriales,  Mexico,  1903,  353-356. 


28  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm*      [Vol.  17 

any  more,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Codex  Ramirez  and  the  Atlas  of  Duran, 
with  explanations  centered  around  the  paintings,  but  with  details 
which  are  only  vaguely  connected  with  the  pictures.  Its  similarity 
to  the  contents  of  these  two  documents  is  however  quite  apparent.  No 
indication  is  found  in  the  manuscript  that  a  painting  accompanied 
such  and  such  an  event,  as  in  the  case  in  the  two  works  cited  above. 
For  that  reason,  in  spite  of  the  insistence  of  the  title  that  the  descrip 
tion  is  based  on  paintings,  one  feels  inclined  to  consider  this  document 
almost  in  the  nature  of  a  secondary  source,  a  description  based  upon 
inadequate  knowledge  of  the  meaning  of  the  illustrations  and  upon 
hearsay  evidence  accepted  in  a  rather  uncritical  and  unintelligent 
manner.  It  is  nevertheless  of  considerable  importance. 

Anales  Tepanecas,  Anales  Mexicanos,  and  Anales  de  Mexico  y 
Tlatelulco  (anonimo  numero  4,  6  and  7)  of  Chavero.18  All  of  these, 
with  the  exception  of  number  6,  are  unpublished.  According  to 
Chavero  they  are  definitely  known  to  have  been  interpretations  of 
hieroglyphs. 

SECONDARY  SOUECES 

It  is  not  our  intention  to  discuss  these  in  this  preliminary  paper. 
They  have  been  frequently  dealt  with  by  Mexicanists,  although  in  a 
rather  inadequate  manner.  The  best  account,  although  very  unequal, 
is  that  of  Weber.19  The  most  important  secondary  sources  are 
Duran,20  Ramirez  (cf.  pp.  67-123),  Tezozomoc,21  Ixlilxochitl,22  Saha- 
gun,23  Torquemada,24  Clavigero,25  Boturini,26  and  Veytia.27  All  of 
them  relied  upon  original  sources,  some  to  a  lesser,  others  to  a  greater 
extent.  Duran,  the  Codex  Ramirez,  perhaps  Ixtlilxochitl,  may  really 
be  considered  expanded  commentaries  and  explanations  of  the  paint 
ings  themselves,  while  the  others  are  of  a  more  ambitious  nature  and 
are  intended  to  be  histories  written  on  the  basis  of  all  the  available 
material. 


is  Op.  cit.,  pp.  xxiv-xxv. 

19  Beitrage  zur   Characteristik  der   alteren  geschichtsschreiber  iiber   Spanisch- 
Amerika,  Leipzig,  1911. 

20  Historia  de  los  Indies  de  Nueva  Espana,  circa  1579.     For  full  title  of  this 
and  following  works  cf.  this  series  xn,  277-282. 

21  Cronica  Mexicana,  edition  of  Orozeo  y  Berra,  Mexico,  1878. 

22  Historia  Chichimeca,   and   Eelaciones   Historicas    (1608-1616).     Edited   by 
Chavero,  Mexico,  1892. 

23  Historia  general  de  las  cosas  de  Nueva  Espana,  Mexico,  1829. 
2*Monarquia  Indiana,  Madrid,  1723. 

25  Storia  antica  de  Messico,  Cesera,  1765. 

26  Op.  cit. 

27  Historia  Antigua  de  Mexico,  1836. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         29 


19.  The  Codex  Ramirez 

This  codex,  of  which  we  give  a  complete  translation  on  pp.  67-123 
(except  for  the  small  section  after  the  Conquest),  has  been  the  sub 
ject  of  considerable  discussion.  Most  Mexicanists,  especially  Ramirez, 
Orozco  y  Berra,  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  and  Chavero,  were  convinced  that 
Duran,  Tezozomoc,  Acosta,  and  Torquemada  had  practically  incorpo 
rated  it  in  their  accounts,  for  they  found  passage  after  passage  prac 
tically  identical  with  the  Codex  Ramirez  in  the  works  of  these  writers. 
Some  have  even  deemed  it  possible  to  correct  sentences  in  Duran 
by  reference  to  the  Codex  Ramirez.  Other  Mexicanists,  although 
acknowleding  the  remarkable  similarities  of  the  above-mentioned 
authors  to  this  codex,  have  been  inclined  to  explain  them  as  due  to 
the  fact  that  Duran,  Tezozomoc,  Acosta,  and  Torquemada  had  made 
use  of  the  same  source.  This  seems  the  more  probable  alternative  and 
one  might  go  even  further  and  claim  that  the  common  source  was 
nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  pictures  that  now  accompany  the  codex 
and  the  information  probably  traditionally  connected  with  these  pic 
tures  and  known  to  their  keepers.  The  variations  in  the  five  accounts 
can  then  be  explained  in  part  by  the  assumption,  quite  intelligible  to 
ethnologists,  that  some  of  the  keepers  of  the  original  hieroglyphs  knew 
more,  some  less  than  others,  and  in  part  by  the  differences  in  the 
interests  of  the  various  historians. 

The  main  characteristic  of  the  Codex  Ramirez,  from  an  historical 
viewpoint,  is  its  intense  Aztec  partisanship  and  its  tendency  to  exalt 
the  power  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  at  the  expense  of  all  the  other  towns 
of  the  valley;  its  distortion  of  some  fundamental  facts,  such  as  the 
founding  of.  the  confederacy  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  Tezcuco,  and 
Tacuba,  and  its  attempt  to  whitewash  all  the  acts  of  the  Aztecs.  The 
Aztecs  could  do  no  wrong  and  were  always  provoked  before  they  began 
war  against  anyone,  is  the  insistent  theme  of  the  work.  To  such  an 
extent  is  this  attitude  maintained  that  the  work  makes  the  impression 
of  a  political  pamphlet  written  in  the  interests  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan 
proper.  Two  other  tendencies  are,  however,  also  markedly  developed : 
first,  the  religious  sanction  that  is  given  to  everything,  the  role  of  the 
priests  and  the  god  Huitzilopuchtli  in  particular,  and  the  place 
Tlacaellel  occupies  in  its  pages.  We  may,  indeed,  have  before  us  an 
account  written  by  one  of  the  priests  of  this  deity  and  the  exaltation 
of  Tlacaellel  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  he  was  an  ardent  worshipper 
of  Huitzilopuchtli.  On  internal  evidence  one  is  inclined  to  regard 


30  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

the  work  as  written  from  the  viewpoint  of  such  a  priest,  and  to  con 
clude  that  it  represents  a  conscious  attempt  to  interpret  Aztec  achieve 
ment  as  due  to  the  guidance  of  Huitzilopuchtli  at  the  beginning,  and 
to  the  ability  of  his  priests  and  followers  after  the  founding  of  the 
city.  This  it  is  which  gives  the  document  -so  great  a  value,  in  spite 
of  its  manifest  one-sidedness,  for  the  priest-authors  have  incorporated 
a  large  number  of  details  which  would  otherwise  have  been  lost.  It  is 
likewise  of  extreme  importance  to  be  able  to  see  the  nature  of  the 
distortions  that  a  special  plea  or  viewpoint  can  bring  into  an  account. 
From  another  point  of  view  this  document  is  of  supreme  interest 
to  us  because  it  contains  an  excellent  assortment  of  speeches  skillfully' 
placed  in  the  mouths  of  public  characters  at  critical  moments.  Now 
whether  these  speeches  were  actually  delivered  in  the  form  in  which 
they  have  been  handed  down  to  us,  or  whether  they  were  ever  delivered 
at  all,  is  of  far  less  importance  than  the  fact,  which  a  casual  glance 
will  confirm,  that  they  are  not  scattered  through  the  work  in  a  hap 
hazard  manner  but  that  they  are  placed  with  considerable  adroitness, 
so  as  to  heighten  the  dramatic  effect  of  certain  situations  and  to 
emphasize  the  importance  of  certain  events.  And  so  it  is  frequently 
from  these  speeches  that  we  obtain  our  best  clues  concerning  internal 
changes.  It  cannot,  for  instance,  be  entirely  ascribed  to  chance  that 
it  is  only  in  speeches  delivered  by  Itzcoatl  and  Tlacaellel  that  we  hear 
for  the  first  time  of  a  division  of  peoples  into  definite  classes,  or  that 
the  younger  Montezuma  goes  into  such  considerable  detail  about  the 
justification  of  changing  the  management  of  his  household,  and  of 
giving  offices  only  to  the  nobility.  The  viewpoint  he  sets  forth  with 
such  a  show  of  skill  is  not  encountered  among  any  of  the  earlier 
rulers;  a  fact  which  is  called  to  his  attention  by  his  favorite  priest, 
who  warns  him  not  to  depart  too  radically  from  the  customs  of 
his  predecessors.  The  priest  is  finally  persuaded,  not  because  the 
argument  is  unanswerable,  but  because  Montezuma  the  Younger 
apparently  did  change  and  reorganize  the  management  of  his  house 
hold  affairs  and  of  the  court  radically,  and  all  that  the  speech  put  into 
his  mouth  serves,  is  to  indicate  in  a  semiliterary  way  that  such  a 
change  occurred. 

20.  The  Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan 

We  have  left  for  the  last  two  documents,  the  Anales  of  Cwauh- 
titlan28   and  the  Anales   of   Chmialpahin.29     Both   were   written   in 

28  Anales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico,  m,  Appendix,  1885. 

29  Op.  cit. 


1920]       Badin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         31 

Nahuatl  after  the  Conquest.  The  first  deals  with  the  history  of 
creation  and  the  world,  taking  up  in  detail  the  legendary  history  of 
the  Toltecs,  the  destruction  of  their  civilization  by  the  Chichimecs, 
and  the  development  of  the  Chichimec  civilization  upon  the  ruins  of 
that  of  the  Toltecs.  Historical  importance  can  be  ascribed  only  to 
those  portions  which  deal  with  the  period  after  the  eleventh  century. 
The  nature  of  the  details  given  seems  to  justify  the  assumption  that 
the  sources  were  then  becoming  more  numerous  and  more  reliable. 
It  cannot  be  mere  chance  that  these  details  take  upon  themselves  a 
greater  degree  of  verisimilitude  just  at  the  time  when,  according  to 
the  narrative  we  are  justified  in  assuming  that  these  nations  had 
adopted  the  system  of  writing  they  found  among  the  people  they  had 
conquered;  just  when,  in  other  words,  the  means  for  preserving  an 
accurate  account  was  provided.  From  that  point  on  we  get  a  run 
ning  account  of  three  cities,  the  space  devoted  to  Mexico-Tenochtitlan 
increasing  in  size  as  we  proceed  from  the  fourteenth  century  on.  The 
record  then  becomes  full  and  important,  giving  particulars  that  are 
not  met  with  anywhere  else  and  that  corroborate  those  found  in  other 
documents.  There  are  no  direct  statements  to  the  effect  that  the 
Anales  of  Cuauhtitlan  was  based  upon  original  picture  manuscripts, 
but  internal  evidence  and  the  excellence  and  accuracy  of  the  facts 
it  presents,  as  soon  as  it  passes  from  the  purely  mythical  and  legendary 
epochs,  make  such  an  assumption  almost  certain.  This  is  further 
strengthened  by  its  general  similarity  to  the  Historia  de  los  Mexiaanos 
por  sus  Pinturas.  By  some  historians,  notably  by  Orozco  y  Berra, 
the  Anales  of  Cuanhtitlan  is  regarded  as  the  fundamental  source  for 
the  history  of  the  ancient  Aztecs.  This  is  perhaps  overestimating  its 
value  considerably,  but  it  will  always  remain,  if  critically  used,  one 
of  our  foremost  sources. 

Two  Spanish  translations  exist,  both  of  them  of  little  value  accord 
ing  to  the  testimony  of  well-known  Nahuatl  scholars.  That  of  Sanches 
Solis,  given  in  the  third  of  the  columns  of  the  printed  work,  looks 
usable.  One  of  the  crying  needs  is,  of  course,  a  reliable  translation 
of  this  noteworthv  document. 


21.  The  Anales  of  Chimalpahin 

The  second  of  the  two  documents  just  mentioned  is  confessedly 
an  artificial  concoction.  It  is  arranged  in  the  approved  annalistic 
style  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  some  of  its  material  is  of  the  type  which 


32  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

one  customarily  finds  in  such  annals,  but  which  the  old  Aztec  sources 
laid  no  stress  upon.  However,  when  deductions  are  made  for  this 
and  for  a  marked  Christian  tendency,  the  work  is  of  considerable 
value,  for  it  is  based  upon  original  documents  and  written  by  an 
Indian  who  was  exceptionally  well-informed.  It  gives  the  impression, 
upon  closer  examination,  of  being  a  modification  of  the  old  Aztec 
annual  records,  mentioned  on  page  7,  to  which  certain  details  from 
fuller  records  have  been  added.  Its  description  of  the  external  events 
of  the  smaller  towns,  of  the  gradual  extension  of  Aztec  influence 
and  conquests,  and  of  the  resistance  the  Aztecs  encountered  in  many 
cases,  is  of  great  importance,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that,  in  imitation 
of  the  mediaeval  annals,  it  is  inclined  to  impute  most  events  to  small 
causes  and  is  rather  gossipy  throughout. 

CONCLUDING  EEMAEKS 

We  have  thus  passed  in  review  the  majority  of  the  available  sources 
for  the  history  of  the  ancient  Mexicans.  Many  documents  of  vital 
importance  are  still  unpublished  and  lie  in  the.  archives  of  the  Biblio- 
theque  Nacionale  in  Paris  or  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional  in  Mexico 
and  others  will  undoubtedly  be  recovered  from  monasteries  in  Spain 
and  Spanish  America.  That  which  is  available,  however,  is  not  so 
despicable  as  one  might  have  imagined.  What  is  necessary  is  a  critical 
study  of  the  available  sources  in  an  intensive  manner. 

All  the  available  picture  writings  of  historical  importance  should 
be  gathered  together  in  a  convenient  volume  and  compared,  first  with 
the  object  of  determining  how  many  exist,  and,  secondly,  in  order 
to  discover  how  often  the  same  pictures  or  series  of  pictures  were  used 
by  different  authors,  and  in  how  far  their  interpretations  coincide,  or, 
if  they  differ,  how  this  difference  is  to  be  accounted  for.  Only  in 
this  way  can  a  safe  and  adequate  foundation  be  laid  for  future  his 
torical  studies. 

The  next  step  would  then  be  a  study  of  the  primary  sources  of 
the  second  class,  namely,  those  which  have  come  down  to  us  without 
the  hieroglyphs  they  were  clearly  dependent  upon,  and,  lastly,  an 
intensive  and  exhaustive  study  from  a  critical-historical  viewpoint  of 
that  great  mass  of  secondary  sources,  often  of  as  great  importance  as 
the  primary  ones  themselves. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        33 


PART  III.     TRANSLATION  OF  CERTAIN  ORIGINAL 

SOURCES 

CODEX  BOTUEINlso 

The  commentary  on  the  Codex  Boturim  herewith  given  is  taken 
from  Orozco  y  Berra  and  has  been  discussed  on  pages  11-12.  The 
description  of  each  plate  follows  Orozco  y  Berra  literally.  The  sep 
arate  figures  are  referred  to  by  the  numbers  which  designate  them  in 
the  plate  itself.  These  are  the  same  as  in  the  Codex  Boturini. 

The  plate  numbers  are  the  same  in  our  reproduction  as  in  the 
Codex  itself;  i.e.,  plate  1  in  the  Codex  is  reproduced  herewith  as 
Plate  1,  and  so  on. 

Plate  1 

In  the  initial  picture  (fig.  1)  one  distinguishes  a  lake  and  an  island  .  .  .  and 
in  the  middle  a  temple.  ...  At  the  foot  of  the  temple  two  figures  are  reposing, 
a  man  without  a  name  and  a  woman  called  Chimalma.  .  .  .  They  cross  the  water 
between  the  island  and  the  shore  in  a  rowboat.  This  island  is  Aztlan. 

We  remember  .  .  .  that  the  Aztecs  left  the  island  and  set  out  for  Colhuacan 
(fig.  3),  as  the  footprints  tell  us.  ...  In  a  cave  under  the  mountain,  over  a  grass 
altar  is  placed  their  divinity  Huitzilopochtli.  .  .  . 

The  god  placed  in  the  grotto  repeatedly  spoke  [to  the  people]  as  the  commas 
[speech  symbols]  indicate.  .  .  . 

In  Teoculhuacan  the  Aztecs  encountered  eight  other  emigrant  tribes;  the 
Matlatzinca,  Tepaneca,  Chichimeca,  Malinalca,  Chololteca,  Xochimilca,  Chalca,  and 
Huexotzinca  [represented  in  Plate  1,  lower  left-hand  corner,  from  above  down]. 
.  .  .  Leading  the  column  are  Tezcacoatl  (fig.  4),  Cuahcoatl  (fig.  5),  Apanecatl 
(fig.  6)  .  .  .  and  Chimalma  (fig.  7). 

Plate  2 

Coming  to  the  foot  of  a  large  tree  (upper  left  corner)  they  erect  a  tabernacle 
for  their  god  (figure  below  tree).  There  the  Aztecs  begin  to  eat  quietly  (fig.  8), 
when  they  hear  a  tremendous  noise  and  the  tree  is  split  in  the  middle.  This  they 
take  as  a  bad  augury  and  the  chiefs  leave  their  meal  and  surround  their  deity 
imploring  him  with  tears  in  their  eyes  (fig.  9). 

Aacatl  [figure  above  the  group  numbered  9]  is  charge'd  with  telling  the  chief 
of  the  Chololtecas  (to  the  left  of  Aacatl),  what  the  god  has  said,  namely,  that 
the  people  of  the  eight  barrios  [seen  above  Aacatl]  should  not  accompany  them. 

They  remained  five  days  in  this  place  as  the  black  dots  indicate.  .  .  .  Repre 
sentation  of  human  sacrifice  [group  lower  left-hand  corner]  ;  Aacatl  [reading 
from  right  to  left]  is  depicted  cutting  out  the  heart  of  a  victim  stretched  on  a 
biznaga  (Ichinocactus  cornigera}.  .  .  .  He  is  a  member  of  the  tribe.  The  other 
two  victims,  as  the  black  marks  over  their  faces  prove,  are  strangers.  .  .  . 

The  figures  above  the  last  group  refer  to  a  legend  described  by  Torquemada 
[lib.  II,  cap.  II]. 

so  Cf.  note  8,  p.  11. 


34  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Plate  3 

Without  stopping  at  Cuextecatlichocayan  (fig.  10)  they  hastened  on  to  Coatlic- 
amac  (fig.  11),  where  they  settled  and  remained  for  twenty-eight  years,  from  the 
year  $  calli  to  3  tecpatl  (649-676  A.D.)  [lower  half  Plate  3].  Near  the  sign 
2  acatl  (675  A.D.)  one  notices  the  cyclical  annotation  of  xiuhmolpilli. 

Plate  4 

In  the  year  9  acatl  (695),  they  left  Tollan  and  turning  eastward,  settled  at 
Atlicalaquian.  Here  they  remained  from  10  tecpatl  (695)  to  6  calli  (705). 

Plate  5 

Then  they  proceeded  eastward  to  Tlemaco,  where  they  stayed  from  7  tochtli  to 
11  tochtli  (706-710  A.D.)  [upper  left  quarter].  From  there  they  went  to  Atoton- 
ilco,  where  they  remained  five  years,  from  12  acatl  to  3  acatl  (711-715  A.D.)  [upper 
right  quarter].  Then,  turning,  they  again  proceeded  westward,  and  continuing 
in  that  general  direction  they  came  to  Apazco,  where  they  remained  twelve  years, 
from  4  tecpatl  to  2  acatl  (716-727  A.D.).  Here  they  completed  another  fifty- two 
year  cycle,  as  the  xiuhmolpilli  above  2  acatl  shows  [lower  left  quarter].  Then 
they  proceeded  to  Tzonpanco,  near  the  lake  of  Mexico,  remaining  there  four  years, 
from  3  tecpatl  to  6  acatl  (728-731  AJX)  [lower  left  quarter]. 

Plate  6 

They  stayed  at  Xaltocan  from  7  tecpatl  to  10  acatl  (732-735  A.D.)  [upper  left 
quarter],  and  at  Acalhuacan  from  11  tecpatl  to  1  acatl  (736-739  A.D.)  [upper  right 
quarter] ;  at  Ehecatepec,  from  2  tecpatl  to  5  acatl  (740-743  A.D.)  [lower  left  quar 
ter]  ;  and  at  Tulpetlac  from  7  tecpatl  to  13  aoatl  (744-751  A.D.)  [lower  right 
quarter  and  upper  left  quarter  of  plate  7]. 

Plate  7 

Then  they  passed  on  to  Coatitlan,  remaining  there  twenty  years,  from  1  tecpatl 
to  7  acatl  (752-771  A.D.)  [upper  right  quarter  and  lower  left  quarter].  The  figures 
near  the  sign  7  acatl  refer  to  the  introduction  and  planting  of  the  maguey  and 
the  extracting  of  the  juice  contained  in  the  maguey.  The  sign  near  5  calli  denotes 
Chalco,  and  the  footprints  proceeding  from  it  signify  that  the  maguey  culture 
was  borrowed  from  the  province  of  Chalco. 

Then  they  wrent  to  Huixachtitlan,  where  they  remained  from  8  tecpatl  to 
11  aoatl  (722-775  A.D.)  [lower  right  quarter]. 

Plate  8 

From  there  they  went  to  Tecpayocan,  where  they  remained  from  12  tecpatl  to 
2  acatl  (776-779  A.D.)  [upper  left  quarter].  The  neighboring  tribes  declared 
war  and  the  Mexicans  lost  three  principal  chiefs  in  the  ensuing  battle;  Tetepant- 
zin,  Huitzilihuitl,  and  Tecpantzin  (the  three  figures  in  the  upper  left  quarter). 
Driven  out  from  the  above-named  town  they  went  to  Pantitlan,  where  they 
remained  from  3  tecpatl  to  6  acatl  (780-783  A.D.)  [upper  right  quarter].  The 
naked  figure  with  closed  eyes  and  exhausted  appearance  near  the  day  sign  6  acatl 
signify  that  a  plague  swept  over  the  land  during  this  period. 

The  Mexicans  took  refuge  in  Amalinalpan,  where  they  stayed  from  7  tecpatl 
to  1  acatl  (784-791  A.D.).  From  there  they  passed  through  Atzcaputzalco,  where 
Tezozomoc  was  then  reigning  (figure  below  sign  1  acatl} ,  and  then  returned  to 
Pantitlan,  where  they  remained  from  2  tecpatl  to  5  acatl  (792-795  A.D.)  [lower 
right  quarter]. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         35 

Plate  9 

Then  they  proceeded  to  Acolnahuae,  staying  there  from  6  tecpatl  to  9  acatl 
(796-799  A.D.)  [upper  right  quarter].  Then  they  proceeded  to  Popotla,  where  they 
remained  from  10  tecpatl  to  13  aoatl  (800-803  A.D.)  [upper  right  quarter].  Then 
they  proceeded  to  Techcatitlan,  staying  there  from  1  tecpatl  to  4  acatl  (804-807 
A.D.)  [lower  left  quarter].  From  there  they  went  to  Atlacuiyayan,  remaining  at 
that  place  from  5  tecpatl  to  8  acatl  (808-811  A.D.)  [lower  right  quarter]. 

Plate  10 

Finally  they  arrived  at  Chapultepec,  where  they  remained  from  9  tecpatl  to 
2  acatl  (812-831  A.D.).  Below  the  ideograph  for  Chapultepec  we  again  see  the 
sign  for  war.  The  Mexicans  were  apparently  compelled  to  flee  to  Acocolco,  where 
they  remained  from  2  tecpatl  to  4  calli  (832-833  A.D.). 

In  the  lower  half,  toward  the  left,  we  see  Chimalaxoch  and  Huitzilihuitl  (figs. 
21  and  22)  as  captives  brought  before  Cozcoxtli  (fig.  23)  at  Culhuacan  (fig.  24). 
For  two  years  they  remained  in  servitude  to  Culhuacan,  from  5  tochtli  to  6  acatl 
(lower  right  quarter). 

Plate  11 

This  plate  refers  to  certain  details  connected  with  the  aid  the  Mexicans  had 
given  Colhuacan  in  its  war  against  Xochimilco.  In  the  first  line,  to  the  left,  they 
are  represented  bringing  Coxcoxtli  the  bag  containing  the  ears  of  the  Xochimil- 
cans  they  had  slain.  Farther  on  they  are  inviting  Coxcoxtli  to  their  dance.  At 
the  end  of  this  first  line  their  prisoners  are  seen  dancing.  In  the  second  line  we 
see  one  of  their  victims  thrown  down  the  steps  of  the  temple  after  having  been 
sacrificed  before  Coxcoxtli. 


MAPA  TLOTZIN31 

The  translation  that  follows  reproduces  Aubin's  commentary 
literally.  The  figures  mentioned  refer  to  the  figures  in  the  Mapa 
Tlotzin  itself.  The  various  personages,  towns,  and  objects  portrayed 
are  all  numbered  as  in  the  original  document.  Plate  1  of  the  original 
is  reproduced  as  plate  13  and  contains  the  figures  1-2,  12-17,  37-39; 
plate  2,  reproduced  as  plate  14,  contains  the  figures  3-4,  9-11,  16-17, 
26-36,  40-44 ;  plate  3,  reproduced  as  plate  15,  contains  the  figures  5-8, 
16-24,  45-55. 

History  of  the  Kings  and  the  Sovereign  States  of  Acolhuacan 

At  the  top  of  the  map  are  to  be  seen  six  caverns  surrounded  by  vegetation, 
and  some  hills  from  right  to  left  and  slightly  north  to  south;  and  on  a  gradual 
slope  one  sees  the  towns  and  villages  that  have  replaced  (these  caverns). 

(Fig.  1.)  1.  Tzinacanoztoc,  ' '  in-the-cavern-of  the  bats "  :  a  recreation  place 
of  the  kings  of  Tetzcueo.  It  is  indicated  (in  the  picture)  by  the  grotto  and  the 
bat.  The  Nahuatl  inscription  reads:  "Tziuacanoztoc:  here  Ixtilxochitzin  was 
born."  There  is  no  question  but  that  this  is  Ixtlilxochitl,  the  last  of  the  Acol 
huacan  kings  whose  supremacy  was  recognized  in  Anahuac. 

si  Translated  from  Aubin,  op.  cit.,  p.  23,  note  1. 


36  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

(Fig.  2.)  2.  Quauhyacac,  ' ' at-the-end-of -the-trees, "  a  hamlet  near  the  forests 
that  enclose  the  mountains  to  the  east  of  Tetzcuco. 

The  writing  underneath,  which  we  translate  farther  on,  gives  the  names  of  the 
following  three  localities: 

(Fig.  3.)      3.  Oztotipac,  one  of  the  quarters  of  Tetzcuco.  .  .  . 

(Fig.  4.)  4.  Huexotla,  "willow,"  a  town  at  one  time  important  and  whose 
ruins,  still  of  interest,  may  be  seen  today  at  San  Luis  Huexotla,  near  Tetzcuco. 

(Fig.  5.)  5.  Cohuatlichan,  "the-place-of-the-serpent":  the  old  capital  of  the 
civilized  Acolhuas.  .  .  . 

(Fig.  6.)  6.  Sixth  cavern,  or  Chichimec  settlement,  ending  the  descending 
series  of  points  placed  at  intervals  from  north  to  south,  then  turning  to  the  west, 
from  Tzinacanoztoe  to  a  point  intermediary  between  Cohuatlichan  (fig.  5),  the 
frontier  of  the  Chalcas  (figs.  22,  23,  24)  and  Colhuacan  (fig.  7).  This  geo 
graphical  location,  the  presence  of  Icpacxochitl,  "  crown-of -flowers "  (wife  of 
Tlotli,  fig.  17)  and  of  a  son,  still  in  the  cradle,  who  is  named  Quinantzin,  "bellow 
ing,  ' '  by  his  father  Tlotli  .  .  . ;  all  these  circumstances  and  the  enclosed  form  of 
the  oztotl  clearly  indicate  the  name  Tlallanoztoc,  near  Tlatzalan,  which,  very  likely, 
was  found  on  the  margin  of  the  badly  damaged  portion  of  the  painting.  .  .  . 

Towns  of  the  Lagoon 

(Fig.  7.)  Culhuacan,  "Place  of  the  Culhuas. "  ...  To  the  left  of  the  curved 
altepetl  (fig.  8)  are  found  Coxcox  and  his  wife.  .  .  . 

(Fig.  9.)  Tenochtitlan,  name  of  an  islet  in  the  Mexican  lagoon,  together  with 
the  island  of  Tlatelolco,  the  name  of  the  Mexicas  associated  with  both  of  them 
...  (A  rebus)  expresses  the  name  of  the  king  of  Mexico  Huitzilihuitl,  who  is 
represented  placed  between  his  wife  and  Tenochtitlan. 

(Fig.   11.)     Azcaputzalco,  "  on-the-ant-hill. " 

Historical  Explanation — Chichimec  or  Nomad  Life 

In  the  midst  of  plants  and  animals  still  used  as  food  by  the  aborigines,  the 
following  Chichimec  chiefs  are  seen:  Amacui  (fig.  12),  Nopal  (fig.  14),  and 
Tlotli  (fig.  16),  and  in  the  same  order,  but  below,  their  wives,  Malinalxoehitl ( ? ) 
(fig.  13),  Quauhcihuatl(f)  (fig.  15),  and  Icpacxochitl.  Advancing  diagonally 
from  below  upward  and  from  left  to  right  toward  Quauhyacac  (fig.  2)  we  again 
find  them:  Amacui  and  Malinalxoehitl  at  the  end  of  the  grotto;  Nopal  and  his 
wife  to  the  right  of  Malinalxoehitl,  and  Tlotli  and  Icpacxochitl  to  the  left  of 
Amacui.  There  is  no  question  but  that  they  were  coming  from  the  principal 
Chichimec  settlement  of  Tenayocan  and  separated  at  Quauhyacac  to  divide,  as 
the  following  gloss  tells  us. 

' '  All  came  to  establish  themselves  there,  at  Quauhyacae ;  they  were  still 
together.  Then  Amacui  left,  and  with  his  wife  went  to  Cohuatlichan;  there  Nopal 
left,  and  with  his  wife  went  to  Huexotla;  then  Tlotli  left,  and  with  his  wife  went 
to  Oztoticpac. " 


Civilisation  of  the  Chichimecs 

We  are  no  longer  concerned  here  with  Amacui,  Nopal,  and  the  nomadic  life 
(of  the  Chichimecs)  in  this  picture,  but  with  their  first  agricultural,  industrial,  and 
religious  education  which  they  received  from  the  Chalcas-Toltecs  in  the  person  of 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         37 

Tlotli,  the  founder  of  Tetzeuco.  This  one  learns  from  a  gloss  beginning  under 
Tlotli  (fig.  16),  continuing  to  Oztoticpac-Tetzcuco  (fig.  3),  and  ending  near 
Cohuatlichan  and  Tlallanoztoc  (figs.  5  and  6). 

' '  Oztoticpac  was  the  real  residence  of  Tlotli.  Tlotli,  going  out  to  hunt  at 
Cohuatlichan,  was  found  by  a  Cnalcan  named  Tecpoyoachcauhtli.  The  latter  was 
frightened  at  seeing  Tlotli  with  his  bow  drawn  and  said  to  him,  "My  son,  should 
I  stay  with  you  ? ' '  But  Tlotli  did  not  understand  him  for  he  was  a  Chichimec. 
After  that  Tecpoyoachcauhtli  accompanied  Tlotli  on  the  hunt.  He  brought  him 
deer,  hares,  snakes,  and  birds  which  he  shot  with  his  arrows.  The  former  roasted 
the  game  of  Tlotli  and  made  him  eat  these  things  roasted  for  the  first  time,  for 
Tlotli  had  up  till  then  eaten  the  game  he  killed,  raw. 

Tecpoyoachcauhtli  lived  with  Tlotzin  a  long  time.  Finally  he  took  leave  of 
him  and  said,  ' '  My  son,  should  I  go  to  see  your  servants,  the  Chalcans,  the 
Cuitlatecans?  Shall  I  tell  them  that  I  have  seen  you  and  lived  with  you?"  By 
that  time  Tlotzin  understood  a  little  of  the  language  and  he  sent  hares  and  snakes 
in  a  huacal. 

Tecpoyoachcauhtli  came  near  Tlotzin  again  and  said  to  him,  '  <  My  son,  do  you 
not  wish  to  see  your  vassals,  the  Chalcans?" 

Tlotzin  then  followed  him  and  Tecpoyoachcauhtli  went  ahead:  he  carried  deer 
and  hare,  for  the  first  time.  After  Tlotzin 's  arrival  the  Chalcans  came  to  be 
introduced  to  him.  They  made  him  sit  down  and  served  him  tamales  and  atole. 
He  did  not  eat  the  tamales  and  he  did  not  taste  the  atole.  Then  Tecpoyoachcauhtli 
conferred  with  the  Chalcans.  He  said  that  Tlotzin  was  not  yet  converted  to  their 
customs  and  beliefs (?).  Then  the  Chalcans32  .  .  .  for  the  Chalcans  worshipped 
the  devil.  Tlotzin,  as  a  Chichimec,  spent  his  time  hunting  only  the  deer  and  hares 
which  he  desired  to  eat.  /They  (the  Chichimecs)  worshipped  the  sun,  which  they 
called  their  father.  To  worship  it  they  cut  off  the  necks  of  snakes  and  birds. 
Then  they  hollowed  out  some  earth,  took  off  the  grass  and  soaked  the  earth  with 
blood.  They  also  worshipped  the  earth  and  called  it  mother.  So  greatly  did  the 
devil  deceive  them  on  account  of  their  sins.  ...  l 

Tecpoyoachcauhtli,  on  seeing  his  relatives,  presented  to  them  some  hares  and 
snakes.  Then  he  told  them  of  the  time  he  had  passed  with  Tlotzin  and  how  he 
had  followed  him  on  the  hunt.  ...  In  (figs.  18  and  19)  one  sees  Tecpoyoach 
cauhtli  roasting  for  Tlotli  (fig.  16)  and  his  wife  (fig.  17)  a  hare  on  the  spit. 
Farther  on  he  makes  them  drink  atolli  ...  (fig.  20)  ...  At  one  side  (fig.  21) 
they  support  the  comalli  over  burning  embers.  .  .  . 

(Fig.  22.)  Above  this  last  cavern  Tecpoyoachcauhtli  gives  an  account  of  his 
sojourn  among  the  Chichimecs. 

(Fig.  23.)  Immediately  above  one  sees  him  carrying  some  other  game,  a 
roebuck  on  his  shoulder  and  snakes,  whose  rattles  are  visible,  hanging  down  from 
his  shoulders.  Finally,  opposite  the  Chalcan  lord  and  placed  under  the  flag,  one 
sees  the  Chichimee  chief  who  is  being  introduced;  and  Teepoyoachcauhtli  brings 
him  the  tamales  refused  by  Tlotli.  The  latter 's  wife  is  emptying  atole.  .  .  . 

Chichimcc-Tetzcucan  Dynasty 

We  see  Oztoticpac-Tetzcuco  (fig.  ^  again.  The  cradle  between  Tlotli  and 
his  wife  (figs.  16-17),  in  the  rear  of  the  grotto,  is  that  of  Quinatzin  (fig.  26),  born 
at  Tlallanoztoc  (fig.  6),  later  married  to  Quauhcihuatzin  (fig.  27).  .  .  . 

A  gloss  tells  us  the  following:  "Quinatzin  married  Quauhcihuatzal,  the 
daughter  of  Tochin  at  Huexotla. " 


32  Lacuna  in  the  text. 


38  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Between  Quinatzin  and  his  wife  is  to  be  seen  the  cradle  of  Coxcox  Tochotlala. 

The  gloss  adds:  ''Tochotlala  married  Tozquentzin  (fig1.  29)  the  daughter  of 
Acolmiztli  of  Coatlichan. " 

A  still  older  gloss  tells  us  the  following :  ' '  Under  Techotlalatzin  the  following 
four  nations  arrived:  the  Mexicans,  the  Colhuas,  the  Huitznahuas  and  the 
Tepanecas. ' ' 

A  gloss  has  the  following:  (figs.  30  and  31)  " Ixtlixochitl  married  Matlal- 
cihuatl,  the  daughter  of  Huitzilihuitl  of  Tenochtitlan. " 

Another  gloss  tells  us  Nezahualcoyotl  married  the  daughter  of  Temictzin  of 
Tenochtitlan. 

Another  gloss  gives  the  following :  ' '  Nezahualcoyotl  brought  together  the  idols, 
gave  an  asylum  to  the  four  nations,  and  assembled  in  quarters  of  the  city  the 
artists  and  artisans. ' ' 

One  sees  in  fact  behind  the  princess  a  painter  and  a  sculptor,  a  worker  in 
enamel,  a  goldsmith  with  his  kiln,  a  surveyor,  a  woodcarver,  etc.,  all  occupied  with 
the  work  of  their  professions.  .  .  . 

(Fig.  33.)     Nezahualpilli,  the  son  of  the  preceding.  .  .  . 

The  last  two  monarchs  still  retain  the  Chichimec  bow  lost  by  their  succes 
sors.  .  .  .33 


MAPA  QUINATZIN34 

The  description  of  the  Mapa  Quinatzin  follows  Aubin's  commen 
tary  literally.  The  figures  mentioned  refer  to  the  figures  in  the  orig 
inal  document.  Plate  1,  reproduced  as  plate  16,  contains  figures  1-28 ; 
plate  2,  reproduced  as  plate  17,  contains  figures  29-78. 

Part  I.     Time  Antecedent  to  the  Tepanecan  War 

Savage  Life  of  the  Chichimecas. — The  upper  third  of  the  picture  represents 
the  nomadic  Chichimecas  living  on  the  proceeds  of  the  chase  (figs.  1,  2,  3,  4), 
mainly  birds,  snakes,  hares  (fig.  5),  and  on  wild  plants  here  figured.  They  live 
in  caverns  (fig.  6)  and  carry  their  children  in  portable  cradles  (fig.  7),  serving 
sometimes  as  game  bags.  The  head  of  a  hare  and  the  spiny  cactus  (fig.  8)  show 
quite  well  what  their  customary  nourishment  was,  and,  perhaps,  also  ...  to  what 
sort  of  tribute  these  unfortunate  people  were  subjected.  They  are  clothed  with 
the  skins  of  fallow  deer,  and  the  men  wear  crowns  of  pachtli.  The  use  of  fire  has 
already  been  introduced  for  a  woman  is  seen  broiling  a  serpent  (fig.  9). 

Fig.  10  shows  that  the  dead  were  buried  in  caves.  .  .  .  Fig.  11  is  a  hieroglyph 
of  Quinatzin,  the  king  who  closes  the  nomadic  period  and  with  whom  the  sedentary 
life  of  the  Chichimecas  begins.  .  .  . 

Sedentary  Life  of  the  Chichimecas. — Fig.  11,  Quinatzin;  the  mat  upon  which 
he  sits,  as  well  as  the  three  words  coming  from  his  mouth,  inform  us  that  he  is  a 
'^grand  seigneur." 

Gloss. — During  the  time  of  Quinatzin  the  Tlailotlaques  and  the  Chimalpanecas 
arrived.  That  was  a  hundred  and  sixty -two  years  ago. 


33  Figures  34-55  give  the  names  of  various  individuals  and  are  omitted. 

34  Translated  from  Aubin,  op.  cit.,  p.  23,  note  1. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         39 

One  sees,  in  fact,  by  a  single  word  placed  at  his  mouth,  that  the  Tlailotlaques 
(fig.  12)  and  the  Chimalpanecas  (fig.  13)  were  received  by  Quinatzin.  .  .  .  (Fig. 
14).  We  find  here  the  molehill  in  which  the  lazy  Chichimecas  commenced  to  plant 
their  corn  and  the  other  grain  brought  by  the  Colhuas.  Below  one  reads.  .  .  . 

"At  the  time  of  Techotlalatzin  the  Colhuas  arrived;  they  took  their  seeds  of 
corn,  beans,  blettes,  chia;  they  sowed  these  seeds  in  the  molehills;  from  these 
sprang  forth  stalks,  the  xilotl.  The  first  people  made  themselves  fields  and 
cleared  the  earth.  They  carried  their  gods  with  them ;  the  dead  were  burned. ' ' 

In  fact  the  personage  number  15  (fig.  15)  receives  from  the  mouth  of  Techotlala 
(fig.  21)  the  order  to  receive  the  Colhuan  (fig.  16)  and  his  wife  (fig.  17)  peace 
fully.  .  .  .  An  atlatl  .  .  .  placed  above  the  haversack  which  is  at  the  feet  of  the 
envoy  of  Techotlala  may  indicate  either  the  submission  of  the  stranger  who  puts 
down  his  arms  or  the  protection  which  is  offered  him.  The  foot  imprints  come  from 
Culhuacan  (fig.  25).  .  .  .  The  metl  (agave)  indicates  a  tribe  of  Mexicas  estab 
lished  at  Tetzcuco. 

Fig.  19,  the  Huitznahuatl,  and  fig.  20,  the  Tecpan  (district  of  Tetzcuco). 

Techotlala  (fig.  21)  is  a  great  monarch.  His  words  are  stronger,  and  more 
numerous,  and  have  greater  weight  than  those  of  his  son  Quinatzin.  He  is  no 
longer  dressed  in  skins,  as  is  the  latter,  nor  seated  like  him  on  a  single  mat,  but 
upon  a  "seat  with  a  back"  (icpalli}. 

Fig.  22.  This  figure,  placed  between  Techotlala  and  Ixtlixochitl,  is  quite 
effaced.  [It  probably  represented  the  Toltec  custom  of  burning  bodies.] ss 

The  great  parallelograms  with  the  traces  of  plants  (fig.  24)  represent  the 
enclosures,  gardens,  and  model  farms  constructed  by  Quinatzin  and  developed  by 
his  successors. 

Fig.  25  probably  represents  the  Colhuan  neighbors. 

Figs.  26,  27,  28,  and  29  possibly  indicate  the  progress  of  the  arts  and  of 
industry  .  .  .  under  Techotlala. 

[Summing  up,  the  Tetzcucan  population  consisted  of:  first,  Chichimecas,  speak 
ing  a  dialect  different  from  that  of  Tetzcuco,  and  still  uncivilized  under  Quinatzin 
in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  Chalcas-Culhuas  or  Toltecs  to  civilize  them;  second, 
Tlailotlacas  and  civilized  Chimalpanecas,  worshippers  of  Tezcatlipoca  and  of 
Toltec  origin,  who  arrived  under  Quinatzin;  third,  Culhuas,  Mexicas,  Huitznahuas, 
and  Tepanecans  civilized  and  possessing  agriculture.] 

Part  II.     The  Acolhua  Government  After  the  Tepanecan  War 

[The  consequences  of  such  admixture  (of  peoples)  were  not  long  in  showing 
themselves.  After  the  reign  of  Quinatzin  the  insurrection  of  the  Chichimecan 
nobility  imperilled  the  renascent  civilization.  The  destruction  and  expulsion  of  the 
majority  of  these  barbarians  gave  to  the  civilizing  Toltec  element  a  preponderance 
to  which,  however,  religious  quarrels,  civil  wars,  and  strangers  put  an  end. 
Tetzcuco  fell  under  the  blows  of  the  Mexicans  united  with  the  Tepanecans  of 
Azcaputzalco.  But  in  spite  of  terrible  upheavals,  followed,  among  other  calamities, 
by  the  destruction  of  the  historical  paintings  by  the  order  of  Itzcohuatl,  king  of 
Mexico,  the  civilization  did  not  perish.  It  flourished  again  under  Nezahualcoyotl, 
after  the  Tlaxcallans  freed  Tetzcuco  and  reestablished  the  balance  of  power.  The 
destruction  of  Azcapotzalco  and  the  admission  of  the  Acolhuans  to  the  Tepanec- 
Mexican  league  consolidated  the  new  order  of  affairs.  It  is  to  this  second  epoch, 
relatively  prosperous,  that  our  second  part  belongs.] 


Bracketed  portions  represent  the  comments  of  Aubin. 


40  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Restoration  of  the  Monarchy. — Fig.  30:  Tetzcuco. 

Gloss. — It  is  seventy-eight  years  since  Nezahualpilli  was  born.  .  .  .  [The 
painter  has  proposed  among  other  things  to  describe  a  certain  number  of  public 
services  by  the  representation  of  objects  which  are  brought  here.]  These  objects 
are  arranged  around  a  large  square,  .  .  .  the  most  important  of  them  is  that  of 
Teocipalpan  (throne  of  rulers),  where,  under  the  direction  of  the  king,  the  great 
feudal  lords  of  the  kingdom  presided.  It  is  placed  immediately  below  Tetzcuco. 
.  .  .  One  sees  on  the  chair  (fig.  31)  Nezahualcoyotl. 

Gloss. — Nezahualcoyotl  ruled  forty-two  years. 

Fig.  32  represents  Nezahualpilli. 

Gloss. — Nezahualpilli  ruled  forty-four  years. 

In  the  center  two  burning  rechaudes  represent  the  permanently-burning  fire 
places.  .  .  .  These  ever-burning  fireplaces  indicate  also  the  servitude  which  was 
imposed  on  thirteen  towns. 

Gloss. — Thirteen  towns  took  care  of  the  fire  here  this  year.  For  the  fireplace 
on  the  left  thirteen  other  towns  were  responsible. 

Gloss. — Thirteen  towns  took  care  of  the  fireplace  all  the  year  round. 

Figs.  34  and  35  represent  foot  imprints  starting  from  the  passage  way  (fig.  35), 
ending  in  (fig.  34)  (year  4  cane — 1431  A.D.) 

Gloss. — The  year  4  cane.     Nezahualcoyotl  came  to  Tetzcuco. 

Court,  Council-House,  Supreme  Tribunal,  etc. — Figs.  36-49  represent  the 
fourteen  persons  who  composed  the  council  of  state.  Fig.  36 :  the  brother-in-law  of 
Nezahualcoyotl  and  commander  in  chief  of  the  armies.  As  president  of  the 
tribunal  of  nobles  he  occupies  the  first  place  and  (fig.  37)  the  ruler  of  Otompan, 
as  president  of  the  tribunal  of  plebeians,  occupies  the  second  place.  [The  others 
are  the  lords  of  Huexotla,  Cohaatlichan,  Chimalhuacan,  Tepetlaoztoc,  Chiauhtla, 
Tezonyocan,  Acolman,  Tepechpan,  Chicuhnauhtla,  Tollantzinco,  Quauchinanco, 
Xicotepec.] 

Central  Administration:  War,  Finance,  Justice,  Academy,  etc. — Fig.  50  repre 
sents  the  agent  in  charge  of  the  war  depot  (arsenal). 

Gloss. — He  is  the  one  who  received  and  delivered  shoe  coverings  (cJiausseures) , 
food,  shields,  corselets  (armor).  This  official  has  neither  seat  nor  mat.  Before 
him  is  the  armory. 

Gloss. — Here  they  store  the  shields,  breast-armor,  etc. 

Fig.  51.  The  hall  of  the  finance  council.  .  .  .  One  sees  in  the  central  room 
shoes,  socks,  cord,  and,  attached  to  the  atlatl,  an  ornament  which  seems  to  be  the 
tuft  called  tecpilotle. 

In  one  of  the  rear  rooms  is  an  achcauhtli,  an  Acolhuan  messenger  from  Tetz 
cuco,  chosen  from  among  the  commissary  judges  .  .  .  and  entrusted  with  the 
second  summons  in  the  name  of  the  true  chief  of  the  Mexican- Acolhuan-Tepanecan 
confederation,  before  the  declaration  of  war. 

Gloss. — The  Achcacauhtins  waited  here;  their  office  was  perhaps  to  go  outside 
and  compel  rebels  to  submit  (??). 

Fig.  52.  There  are  two  divisions  in  this  number.  The  one  to  the  right 
holds  shields,  armor,  or  parts  of  the  military  equipment  and  appears  to  be  a 
division  of  the  council  of  finance.  .  .  .  To  the  left  one  sees,  beside  a  person,  a 
rondache  and  foot  coverings.  It  is  "the  hall  of  the  war  council"  where  the  six 
bravest  warriors  of  the  town  of  Tetzcuco — three  nobles  and  three  common  citizens 
— together  with  fifteen  captains  born  in  the  principal  towns  of  the  kingdom, 
assemble. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         41 

Fig.  53  shows  the  Tepanecans,  one  of  the  two  nations  allied  with  the  Tetzcucans. 
To  the  left  a  figure  represents  Tenochtitlan,  the  other  ally  of  the  Tetzcucans. 

Fig.  54  represents  Xochiquetzal,  son  of  Nezahualcoyotl ;  according  to  Torque- 
mada  (lib.  iii,  cap.  XLI)  president  of  the  assembly  of  poets,  historians,  artists, 
and  musicians.  In  the  center  (fig.  55)  a  musical  instrument,  or  huehuetl,  and  the 
ideographic  character  for  song,  between  the  two  inscriptions,  sufficiently  indicate 
music.  .  .  .  Xochiquetsal  carries  a  flytrap  like  that  which  one  sees  in  the  warriors' 
room  .  .  .  (fig.  54). 

Justice:  Tribunal  of  Naulipoallatolli. — Nauhpoallatolli  has  jurisdiction  over 
all  cases:  theft,  adultery,  .  .  .  calumny  [I??]. 

Fig.  57.    Represents  the  tribunal  of  Otompan,  one  of  the  capitals  of  the  Otomi. 

Figs.  58-66.     The  towns  comprised  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Teotihuacan. 

Fig.  68.     Tribunal  of  Teotihuacan. 

Fig.  70.  Cuauhtlatzinco.  This  town  and  its  twenty-seven  villages  furnished 
food  to  the  king's  household  for  sixty-five  days. 

Fig.  71.  Ahuatepec.  This  town  and  its  eight  villages  furnished  food  for 
forty-five  days. 

Fig.  73.  Axapochco.  This  town  and  its  thirteen  villages  furnished  food  for 
forty-five  days. 

Fig.  75.  Tepepolco.  This  town  and  its  thirteen  villages  furnished  food  for 
seventy  days. 


RESUME  OF  THE  CODEX  XOLOTL^ 

None  of  the  plates  of  this  codex  are  reproduced.  The  resume  that 
follows  is  a  literal  translation  of  Boban's  resume. 

Plate  1 

Arrival  of  the  Chichimecs  on  the  plateau  of  Anahuac,  in  the  region  of  the 
lakes. 

Commanded  by  the  great  chief  Xolotl,  who  is  accompanied  by  his  family,  and 
helped  in  particular  by  his  son  Nopaltzin,  they  take  possession  of  the  country. 

The  Chichimecs  occupy  at  first  Tenayocan  and  its  environs  in  the  western 
part  of  the  lake  Tezcoco;  Xolotl  establishes  himself  there. 

They  afterwards  take  possession  of  the  places  situated  to  the  east.  The  prin 
cipal  one  of  these  later  took  the  name  of  Tezcoco  and  became  the  capital  of  the 
Chichimees  or  Acolhuas.  They  also  invade  the  north,  Atocpan,  Totoltepetl, 
Quauhchinanco,  Tenamitec,  etc. 

The  civilized  populations  of  Nahuatl  origin  seem  to  have  taken  refuge  to  the 
south  and  occupied  towns  named  Chollolan,  Tlaxcalla,  Queehollan,  Temalacoyan, 
etc.,  behind  the  chain  of  mountains  to  the  east. 

Plate  2 

The  emperor  Xolotl  sends  his  son,  the  prince  Nopaltzin,  at  the  head  of  an 
army,  against  the  inhabitants  of  Colhuacan,  who  had  refused  to  recognize  him 
as  the  supreme  chief  of  the  country  and  to  pay  him  tribute. 

The  Colhuas,  commanded  by  their  king  Nauhyotl,  are  conquered  and  forced 
to  submit. 


36  This  is  Boban  's  resume,  translated  from  op.  cit.,  p.  10,  note  4. 


42  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

The  arrival  at  Tenayocan  of  the  three  chiefs,  at  the  head  of  a  new  series  of 
immigrants;  they  come  to  demand  of  the  emperor  Xolotl  the  authorization  to 
establish  themselves  within  his  territory. 

The  first  of  these  chiefs  is  Acolhuatzin,  commander  of  a  division  of  the 
Tepanecs;  the  emperor  gives  him  the  domain  of  Azcapotzalco. 

The  second  is  named  Chiconcuauhtli ;  he  has  under  his  command  the  Otomi. 
These  were  hunters,  and  less  civilized  than  their  companions.  The  emperor  assigns 
them  places  in  the  provinces  of  the  north  to  prevent  them  from  having  easy  access 
to  the  surrounding  tribes.  He  gives  them  Xaltocan  as  leader.  Acolhuatzin  and 
Chiconcuauhtli  were  given  the  two  daughters  of  the  emperor  in  marriage. 

The  third  chief  received  Tzontecomatl,  the  domain  of  Coatlichan. 

The  marriage  of  prince  Nopaltzin  with  a  Toltec  princess  Azcaxochitl,  sister  of 
the  vanquished  king  Nauhyotl. 

Beginning  of  matrimonial  alliances  between  the  Chichimec  nobles  and  the  Toltec 
families  that  occupied  the  country  before  the  arrival  of  the  Chichimec  tribes. 

Genealogies  of  Toltec  and  Chichimec  noble  families. 

Plate  3 

War  against  the  half -savage  people  who  inhabited  the  north,  and  who  rebelled, 
having  at  their  head  a  chief  named  Yacanex.  The  causes  of  this  war  were  of  a 
private  nature,  so  far  as  Yacanex  was  concerned,  of  a  public  nature  so  far  as  the 
people  who  accepted  him  as  chief  were  concerned.  Yacanex  had  asked  for  the 
beautiful  princess  Atototzin  in  marriage,  who,  being  the  daughter  of  the  king  of 
Colhuacan,  Achitomitl,  was  of  Toltec  origin.  The  princess,  disdaining  Yacanex, 
married  the  prince  Huetzin.  The  rejected  suitor,  his  amour-propre  hurt,  took 
advantage  of  the  discontent  caused  among  the  hunting  people  of  the  north  by  the 
excessive  tributes  which  had  been  imposed  upon  them,  and  incited  them  to  revolt 
against  the  emperor.  Then  Yacanex  put  himself  at  their  head. 

Yacanex  was  conquered  and  compelled  to  abandon  the  country  immediately. 
He  left,  accompanied  by  many  other  rebellious  chiefs. 

Death  of  Chiconcuauhtli,  chief  of  the  Otomi  in  the  town  of  Xaltocan. 

The  large  spaces  of  land,  destined  for  the  culture  of  maize  and  diverse  other 
plants,  are  enclosed  by  walls  and  are  found  on  the  outskirts  of  Tezcoco.  In  this 
way  were  laid  out  the  extensive  parks  given  over  to  the  royal  hunts. 

Death  of  the  emperor  Amacui-Xolotl,  his  son  the  prince  Nopaltzin  ascending 
the  throne. 

The  son  of  the  latter  and  his  future  successor,  the  prince  Tlotzin-Pochotl  then 
resided  at  Tlallanoztoc. 

Death  of  Achitometl,  king  of  Colhuacan.  He  had  been  called  to  that  place  by 
the  emperor  Xolotl  when  Nauhyotl  was  replaced. 

Plate  4 

New  wars  in  many  provinces  of  the  empire.  The  revolters  of  the  north,  again 
having  Yacanex  at  their  head,  take  the  offensive.  Acotochtli  and  many  other 
chiefs,  among  them  the  sons  of  the  emperor  Quinatzin,  help  Yacanex.  They 
draw  into  the  revolt  the  inhabitants  of  Metztitlan,  Tototepec,  and  Tepepolco  and 
form  the  project  of  attacking  the  city  of  Tezcoco. 

Yacanex,  defeated  and  put  to  flight,  is  pursued  by  the  general  Tochintecuhtli 
and  is  slain. 

The  imperial  troops  were  commanded  by  Quinatzin,  Huetzin,  and  a  young 
prince  named  Nopaltzin-Xuetlachihuitzin,  son  of  Tlotzin-Pochotl.  This  young 
prince,  after  having  routed  and  killed  with  his  own  hand  the  old  rebel  chief, 
Aeatochtli,  puts  the  enemy  to  flight. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        43 

Carried  away  by  his  courage  and  hig  rage,  he  falls  into  an  ambush  and  is  taken 
prisoner  by  the  soldiers  of  the  city  of  Tollantzinco. 

Death  of  the  emperor  Nopaltzin  at  Tenayocan. 

Aculhuatzin,  the  king  of  Azcapotzalco,  also  dies;  his  son  Tezozomoc  replacing 
him  on  the  Tepanecan  throne. 

War  between  the  Tepanecans  and  the  Colhuas. 

Tenancacaltzin,  the  bastard  son  of  Nopaltzin,  makes  war  upon  the  Tenochcas 
or  Mexicans,  who  had  come  to  the  valley  of  Mexico  a  short  time  before  and  who 
were  about  to  found  their  capital  Tenochtitlan,  in  the  midst  of  the  lakes. 

Plate  5 

Wslr  of  the  Tepanecans  (Azcapotzalco)  against  Tzompantecuhtli  of  Xaltocan. 

Death  of  the  king  of  Tenochtitlan,  Acamapitzin. 

Tezozomoc,  king  of  the  Tepanecs,  makes  war  after  a  short  interval  against 
the  Otomi.  . 

Death  of  his  brother,  Tlepcoatzin,  lord  of  Tlatelolco. 

Techotlalatzin  occupies  the  Chichimec  throne  at  Oztotipac  (one  of  the  quarters 
of  the  city  of  Tezcoco). 

He  receives  kindly  immigrants  driven  from  Colhuacan  by  the  king  Coxcox 
after  troubles  caused  by  religious  questions. 

The  Colhuas,  divided  into  four  tribes,  obtain  permission  to  establish  themselves 
in  the  city  of  Tezcoco. 

At  this  time  the  Huitzinahuacas  under  the  command  of  Tlacomihua  arrive. 

It  is  under  the  rule  of  king  Techotlalatzin  that  the  rites  and  religious  cere 
monies  of  the  Toltecs  begin  to  prevail  among  the  Chichimecas. 

Birth  of  prince  Ixtlilxochitl. 

In  the  reign  of  Quinatzin  a  tribe  from  the  region  of  the  Mixteco  is  admitted  \ 
into  Tezcuco.     This  tribe  is  composed  of  tlailotlacas,  people  skilled  in  the  art  of 
writing  or  painting  the  facts  relative  to  their  history. 

Plate  6 

Death  of  king  Techotlalatzin  at  Oztotopac. 

His  son  Ixtlilxochitl  succeeds  him  and  marries  the  princess  Matlalcihuatzin, 
sister  of  Chimalpopoca,  later  king  of  Tenochtitlan. 

From  this  marriage  were  born  two  children,  the  elder  being  Acolmixtli-Nezua- 
hualcoyotl,  one  of  the  greatest  figures  in  Mexican  history. 

Death  of  the  king  of  Tenochtitlan,  Huitzilihuitzin,  son  of  Acamapitzin.  His 
brother,  the  prince  Chimalpopocatzin,  succeeds  him  on  the  throne. 

Marriage  of  this  prince  with  Mataltazin,  daughter  of  the  king  of  Tlatelolco. 

Death  of  Quaquauhpitzahuac,  king  of  Tlatelolco,  his  son  Tlacateotzin  suc 
ceeding  him. 

Plate  7 

War  between  the  Chichimecans  (the  Acolhuans)  and  the  Tepanecans.  This 
conflict  is  provoked  by  Tezozomoc,  king  of  Azcapotzalco,  who,  without  any 
adequate  reason,  offends  the  Chichimec  monarch.  Tezozomoc  envied  Ixtlilxochitl 
and  formed  the  project  of  conquering  him  and  seizing  his  empire. 

During  this  war  many  localities  in  the  vicinity  of  Tezcoco  were  abandoned 
by  their  inhabitants  who  retired  to  the  mountains. 


f 


44  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.      [Vol.  17 

Ixtlilxochitl,  after  many  reverses,  is  seized  with  inquietude  about  the  future, 
and  calling  together  his  lords,  he  presents  to  them  his  son,  Nezuahualcoyotl,  as 
the  heir  to  the  throne.  The  latter  was  but  twelve  years  of  age  when  this  ceremony 
took  place  (1414  A.D.). 

Ixtlilxochitl  sends  many  ambassadors  to  the  Tepanecans,  the  majority  of  whom 
are  mercilessly  murdered. 

After  a  long  and  valiant  resistance  to  his  enemies,  the  Chichimec  monarch  is 
compelled  to  abandon  his  capital  and  seek  refuge  in  the  surrounding  mountains. 

He  is  pursued  and  surrounded  by  the  Tepanecans  who  take  him  prisoner  and 
murder  him  before  the  eyes  of  his  son,  Nezuahualcoyotl,  who  is  concealed  in  the 
thick  foliage  of  a  tree  in  the  vicinity. 

Now  begins  a  series  of  trials  for  the  latter  prince  which  bring  into  relief  both 
his  courage  and  his  prudence.  Proscribed  by  the  enemies  of  his  family,  con 
demned  to  certain  death  if  met  by  any  one  of  the  numerous  bands  of  Tepanecans 
who  have  invaded  the  territory  of  his  ancestors,  he  flees,  accompanied  only  by 
some  faithful  friends.  Now  under  one  name,  now  under  another,  having  recourse 
to  all  sorts  of  disguises,  living  in  the  mountains,  far  from  the  towns,  he  spends 
many  of  the  best  years  of  his  youth  in  fear  and  poverty,  waiting  for  the  time 
when  his  throne  will  be  returned  to  him. 

Plate  8 

Death  of  the  tyrant  Tezozomoc.  Before  his  death  the  king  has  terrible  visions 
in  which  prince  Nezuahualcoyotl  appears  to  him,  first  as  avenger  and  then  as 
conqueror. 

Maxtla  succeeds  his  father  Tezozomoc  on  the  throne  of  Azcapotzalco. 

Chimalpopoca,  king  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  falls  ill  in  his  cage  prison  and 
asks  that  he  be  allowed  to  die  of  hunger. 

Attempt  to  assassinate  the  prince  Nezuahualcoyotl. 

Maxtla  has  Chimalpopoca  killed  in  his  own  palace  at  Mexico.  He  also  has 
Tlacateotzin,  king  of  Tlatelolco,  killed  in  the  middle  of  the  lake  of  Tezcoco. 

The  prince  Nezuahualcoyotl,  who,  under  a  disguise,  had  entered  Chalco,  killed 
a  noble  lady  because  he  found  her  selling  the  forbidden  pulque,  an  intoxicating 
drink.  Drunkenness,  as  well  as  the  sale  of  intoxicating  beverages,  was  punishable 
by  death  according  to  the  laws  of  the  country. 

Plate  9 

The  prince  Nezuahualcoyotl  is  recognized,  arrested  and  enclosed  in  a  cage.  He 
is  condemned  to  death  but  succeeds  in  escaping,  thanks  to  one  of  the  guards  who 
takes  his  place.  The  unhappy  guard  pays  with  his  life  for  the  devotion  he  has 
shown  to  his  legitimate  king. 

Maxtla  sends  troops  to  Tezcoco  with  orders  to  arrest  Nezuahualcoyotl  and  put 
him  to  death.  The  young  prince  is  concealed  in  his  shell  palace  (palace  des 
coquillage).  Forewarned  in  time,  he  disappears  through  a  subterranean  passage 
and  takes  refuge  in  the  mountains  where  the  Tepanecans  track  him  again. 

Nezuahualcoyotl,  feeling  that  the  time  for  his  revindication  has  come,  asks  for 
men  and  food  from  the  old  allies  of  his  father  in  order  that  he  may  reconquer 
his  kingdom. 

Plate  10 

Maxtla  sends  orders  to  his  allies  to  pursue  Nezuahualcoyotl  without  relaxation 
and  to  refuse  to  give  him  help.  He  makes  threats  against  all  those  who  may  take 
the  part  of  the  proscribed  prince,  and  promises  a  fine  reward  to  all  those  who  will 
aid  in  killing  him. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         45 

The  tyranny  of  Maxtla  having  become  patent  to  everyone,  rebellions  break  out 
in  every  part  of  the  country. 

Nezuahualcoyotl  has  only  to  speak  in  order  to  find  friends  and  allies  ready 
to  help  him  reconquer  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 

Nezuahualcoyotl  puts  himself  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  army.  The  Chal- 
cans,  his  allies,  besiege  Coatlichan,  whose  chief  Quetzalmaquiztli  is  killed,  together 
with  his  principal  officers,  on  the  steps  of  a  temple  (teooalli). 

Nezuahualcoyotl  reconquers  a  part  of  the  empire  of  his  ancestors,  reenters 
Tezcoco,  and  then  sends  his  allies  back  to  their  country,  the  latter  taking  along 
with  them  a  considerable  amount  of  booty  obtained  from  the  pillage  of  toAvns 
that  had  supported  the  Tepanecan  domination.  The  houses  of  the  most  cruel  of 
the  enemies  at  Tezcoco  are  razed  to  the  ground. 

The  war  being  apparently  terminated,  Nezuahualcoyotl  lives  in  peace  in  his 
capital  at  Tezcoco,  which  he  fortifies  and  restores-  completely. 


CODEX   TELLEBIANO-BEMENSIS,  PART   IV37 

Plate  1 

In  the  year  11  cane  according  to  their  computation  and  1399  A.D.  according 
to  ours,  the  Mexicans  elected  Acamapichitly.  They  had  been  made  subject  to 
Culhuacan,  a  condition  in  which  they  remained  for  one  hundred  years  after  the 
war  of  Chapultepec.  Then  they  determined  to  free  themselves  from  the  sub 
jection  in  which  they  were  living  and  they  rose  in  rebellion  and  marched  out 
against  (the  people  of  Culhuacan)  under  Acamapichtily.  And  it  is  affirmed  that 
they  set  fire  to  the  temple  of  Culhuacan.  This  was  the  first  war  which  they  waged 
against  other  peoples. 

Illustrations:  1.  Chuluachan.     2.  Acamapichtily.38 

Plate  2 

In  the  year  5  rabbit  (1416  A.D.)  Acamapichtily  died  and  Vitzilihuitly  was 
elected  ruler.  This  Acamapichtily  had  given  his  two  daughters  in  marriage,  one 
to  the  ruler  of  Coatlichan  and  the  other  to  the  ruler  of  Cnoluachan.  When  Acama 
pichtily  died  the  Mexicans  determined  to  go  to  Azcapucalco,  which  was  one  of 
the  principal  cities,  and  ask  for  a  ruler  to  govern  them.  However,  they  suddenly 
decided  to  retrace  their  steps  and  to  select  a  ruler  from  among  themselves.  This 
they  did,  and  Vitzilihuitli  was  elected  as  their  first  ruler. 

Illustration:  1.  Acamapitchtily. 

Plate  3 

This  Vitzilihuitly  married  a  granddaughter  of  Acamapichtily,  the  daughter 
of  Coatlichan,  who  bore  him  no  sons.  He  had  also  two  slaves  as  wives,  one  called 
"the  painter"  and  the  other  "the  embroiderer"  (mosqueado-ra') ,  and  these  women 
bore  him  sons. 

Illustrations:    1.  Mexicans  about  to  go.     2.  Vitzilihuitly.     3.  The  painter. 


37  The  historical  portion  actually  begins  with  the  year  1197  A.D.,  but  there  are 
no  comments  upon  the  pictures  until   1399   A.D.      Translated   from   Lord   Kings- 
borough's  edition. 

38  These  entries  give  the  actual  facts  represented  in  the  plates.     None  of  the 
plates  of  the  codex  are  reproduced. 


46  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Plate  4 

In  the  year  13  rabbit  (1414  A.D.)  Vitzilihuitly  died  and  Chimalpopoca,  his  son, 
was  elected. 

Illustrations:  1.  Vitzilihuitly.  2.  Chimalpopoca.  3.  Smoking-shield  (transla 
tion  of  the  last  name). 

Plate  5 

In  the  year  12  rabbit  (1426  A.D.)  Chimalpopoca  died  and  Ytzcohuatl  was 
elected  ruler.  During  the  reign  of  this  Ytzcohuatl  the  Mexicans  rose  in  rebellion, 
not  wishing  any  longer  to  be  under  the  subjection  of  those  of  Azcapucalco;  and 
thus  they  were  freed  from  being  under  the  subjection  of  these  two  important  cities. 
The  captain  who  conquered  Azcapucalco  was  called  Maxtle.  There  was  an  eclipse 
of  the  earth  (?). 

Illustrations:  1.  Chimalpopoca.  2.  Ytzcohuatl.  3.  Maxtle,  and  an  eclipse  of 
the  earth. 

Plate  6 

In  the  year  13  flint  (1440  A.D.)  Ytzcohuatl  died  and  Huehuemouteuhccoma  was 
elected.  None  of  the  rulers  of  Mexico  before  or  afterward  wore  a  crown  (of  such 
greatness)  as  this  (veritable)  god  of  abundance;  not  even  the  ruler  of  hell 
possessed  such  a  crown.  Only  that  Motecoma  whom  Cortez  found  when  he  con 
quered  the  country  (was  so  powerful)  and  had  such  a  crown.  It  was  a  sign  of 
their  being  great  rulers. 

Illustrations:  1.  Ytzcohuatl.     2.  Huehuemouteuhccoma. 

Plate  7 

In  the  year  7  cane  (1447  A.D.)  there  was  so  much  snow  (in  Mexico)  that  the 
people  died.  In  the  year  1  rabbit  (1454  A.D.),  there  was  such  a  famine  that  the 
people  died.  In  this  year  Tezcuco  rose  in  rebellion.  It  was  a  barrio  subject  to 
Coatlichan.  This  revolt  was  brought  about  by  the  Mexicans.  In  this  year  the 
Mexicans  brought  the  people  of  Tacuba  under  their  sway  and  from  that  year  on 
they  remained  the  rulers  of  all  the  pueblos  of  the  lagoon.  Tezcuco,  Tlacuba,  and 
Mexico,  which  at  a  former  period  had  been  subject  to  some  of  the  other  states, 
dominated  from  that  time  on  the  entire  land,  and  the  Marquis  found  them  in  the 
principal  cities  of  the  realm  when  he  came  to  the  country. 

Illustrations:   1.  Snow.     2.  Hunger.     3.  Necaualcuhutly. 

Plate  8 

In  this  year  (1456  A.D.)  the  people  of  Guaxocingo  seized  the  land  of  Atlixo 
and  banished  the  people  of  Guacachula,  to  whom  the  lands  and  pueblo  belonged. 

Illustrations:  1.  With  this  figure  they  represent  the  "binding  of  the  years" 
every  fifty-two  years,  '2.  The  year  &  cane  (1445  A.D.)  was  a  fertile  one,  as  indi 
cated  by  the  green  branches. 

.     Plate  9 

In  the  year  5  rabbit  (1458  A.D.),  after  the  Mexicans  were  masters  of  the  land, 
they  subjected  to  their  rule  the  provincq  of  Chicoaque.  This  province  is  to  the 
north  of  Mexico  near  Panico.  It  was  the  first  province  they  subdued. 

In  the  year  7  flint  (1460  A.D.)  an  earthquake  occurred.  It  might  be  added  that 
they  believed  that  the  world  wa.s  to  be  destroyed  by  an  earthquake.  For  that 
reason  they  painted  (in  their  records)  each  year  the  omens  that  occurred. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        47 

Plate  10 

In  this  year  the  Mexicans  subjected  the  province  of  Coatlaxtla,  which  was 
situated  twenty  leagues  from  Vera  Cruz,  having  conquered  all  the  remaining 
pueblos  that  lay  in  the  rear.  This  was  in  the  year  8  house  (1462  A.D.)  (namely 
that  this  province  in  the  rear  of  the  first  mentioned  one,  was  conquered).  It  was  < 
called  Guacacualco  and  it  was  there  that  the  Spaniards  found  the  Indian  maiden 
named  MaTmale~^vli om  they  always  call  Marina. 

In  the  year  9  rabbit  (1462  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  fought  a  battle  with  the  Coyxi- 
quipilco,  who  live  in  the  valley  of  Matalcingo.  In  this  year  there  was  an  earth 
quake. 

Plate  11 

In  the  year  12  house  (1465  A.D.),  while  the  province  of  Chalco  was  waging 
war  against  the  provinces  of  Tlascala  and  Guaxocingo,  the  Mexicans  got  in  their 
rear  and  conquered  them  and  from  that  year  on  this  province  remained  subject 
to  the  Mexicans.  The  old  people  say  that  from  the  year  1465,  in  which  this  war 
between  the  Mexicans  and  the  Chalcans  took  place,  the  former  began  to  make 
use  of  men  captured  in  war  for  sacrificial  purposes;  that  up  to  that  time  they  had 

sacrificed  animals  and  drawn  blood  only  from  certain  parts  of  the  human  body. 

/  ^* 

Plate  12 

In  the  year  1  cane  (1467  A.D.)  there  was  a  great  battle  between  the  Mexicans 
and  the  Tlaxcaltecans,  on  the  borderline  between  Tezcuco  and  Tlaxcala  on  a 
mountain  called  Tiluquetepec,  which  means  black  mountain. 

In  the  year  3  cane  (1469  A.D.)  Huehuemouteuhccoma  died  and  Axayacatzin 
was  elected  ruler. 

Illustrations:    1.  Earthquake.      2.  Huehuemouteuhccoma.      3.  Axayacatzin. 

Plate  13 

In  the  year  17  flint  (1472  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  began  to  wage  war  with  the 
people  of  the  valley  of  Matalcingo,  this  being  their  first  entrance  into  the  land 
of  Toluca. 

~T  e> 

Plate  14 

In  the  year  7  flint  (1473  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  and  Tlatelulcans  were  at  war. 
The  Mexicans  conquered  them  and  thereafter  they  remained  subject  to  the  power 
of  Mexico  and  never  again  had  an  independent  ruler. 

Plate  15 

In  the  year  10  cane  (1475  A.D.)  the  people  of  the  province  of  Coatlaxtla,  whom 
the  Mexicans  had  conquered  some  years  before,  rose  in  rebellion  but  they  were 
reduced  to  subjection  (in  a  short  time). 

In  the  year  10  flint  (1476  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  subjugated  the  province  of 
Oquila.  In  this  year  there  was  an  eclipse  of  the  sun. 

Plate  16 
In  the  year  1  flint  (1480  A.D.)'  there  was  an  earthquake. 

Plate  17 

In  the  year  12  rabbit  (1478  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  subjugated  the  people  of 
Xiquipilco. 


48  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Plate  18 

In  the  year  4  cane  (1483  A.D.)  Axayacatzin  died  and  they  elected  Ticocic 
ruler.  In  this  year  the  first  stone  was  placed  for  the  building  of  the  great  temple 
which  the  Christians  found  when 'they  came  to  the  land. 

In  the  year  5  knife  (1484  A.D.)  the  people  of  Cinacantepec,  who  were  subject 
to  the  Mexicans,  rose  in  rebellion.  The  Mexicans  marched  against  them  and 
caused  such  ravage  that  hardly  a  man  remained  alive.  They  brought  them  to  the 
temple  and  sacrificed  them  before  the  great  Cu  (temple),  which  was  not  yet 
finished  at  that  time.  All  the  old  people  say  that  this  was  the  first  human 
sacrifice  which  took  place  in  their  country  and  that  up  to  that  time  they  had 
sacrificed  only  animals  and  birds.  This  punishment  and  chastisement  (namely 
sacrificing  their  enemies)  was  begun  to  strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  their 
enemies,  so  that  while  they  were  subjugating  the  country  the  people  (whom  they 
had  conquered)  might  fear  (to  rise  in  revolt). 

Illustrations:   1.  Ticocic.     2.  Face  of  water.     3.  Axayacatzin. 

Plate  19 

In  the  year  7  rabbit  (1486  A.D.)  Ticocic  died  and  Ahuitzotl  was  elected  ruler. 

In  the  year  8  cane  (1487  A.D.)  the  great  Cu  (temple)  of  Mexico  was  com 
pleted.  The  old  people  say  that  they  sacrificed  in  that  year  four  thousand  men 
brought  from  the  provinces  which  they  had  conquered  in  war.  For  every  black 
twig  above  (in  the  picture)  is  to  be  understood  the  number  four  hundred. 

Illustrations:    1.  Ticocic.     2.  Ahuitzotl. 

Plate  20 

In  the  year  9  knife  (1488  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  subjugated  the  pueblo  of  Thiapa, 
which  is  Cabellilotepec,  and  the  pueblo  of  Cuzcaquatenango. 

In  the  year  10  house  (1489  A.D.)  a  very  large  comet  was  seen  falling.  It  was 
called  xihuitl. 

Plate  21 

In  the  year  12  cane  (1491  A.D.)  the  people  of  Tlacuba  sacrificed  a  captured 
chief  of  Huaxotzingo  named  Tototacaque. 

In  the  year  1  house  (1493  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  provinces  of 
Atlizapa,  Yoxico,  and  Chimalco. 

Plate  22 

In  the  year  2  rabbit  (1494  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  pueblo  of  _Mictla 
which  is  in  the  province  of  Huaxaca.  C  O<x**\£c*S> 

In  the  year  3  cane  (1495  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  Pueblo  of  Teut- 
zapotlan,  which  is  the  capital  of  the  province  of  Huaxaca.  In  this  year  there  was 
an  earthquake. 

In  the  year  4  knife  (1496  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  pueblo  of  Cultepec 
where  the  mines  are  now  to  be  found.  In  this  year  there  was  a  great  eclipse  of 
the  sun. 

Plate  23 

The  daughter  of  Mcntezuma,  after  she  had  borne  the  ruler  of  Tehuantepec 
sons,  informed  her  husband  that  her  father  had  not  given  her  to  him  in  marriage 
(because  he  loved  him)  but  merely  to  bind  the  two  kings  together  in  friendship, 
and  that  now  he  was  about  to  enter  the  country  with  the  purpose  of  conquering 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        49 

it.  When  he  (the  ruler  of  Tehuantepec)  heard  this,  he  saw  to  it  that  no  Mexican 
thereafter  was  allowed  to  enter  the  country.  This  lasted  until  the  Christians  came 
and  conquered  him. 

In  the  year  10  rabbit  Ahuitzotl  died  and  Montezuma  was  elected  ruler,  he 
whom  the  Marquis  found  when  he  came  to  this  country. 

In  the  year  11  cane  (1503  A.D.)  a  heavy  snow  fell  in  Tlachquiaco  in  the 
province  of  Mixteca. 

Plate  24 

In  the  year  18  house  (1505  A.D.)  there  was  a  great  famine  in  the  province 
of  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans  went  as  far  as  the  province  of  Pango  to  get  bread. 

In  the  year  1  rabbit  (1506  A.D.)  there  was  a  plague  of  rats  in  the  province  of 
Mexico.  The  rats  ate  all  that  was  sown  and  the  people  consequently  were  obliged 
to  get  up  at  night  with  torches  and  walk  through  the  sown  fields  (to  protect 
them).  In  this  year  Montezuma  caused  a  man  to  be  shot  with  arrowssa  to  placate 
the  gods  because,  for  a  period  of  two  hundred  years,  they  had  always  been  afflicted 
with  famine  in  the  year  1  rabbit.  In  this  year  it  was  their  custom  to  finish  their 
year  period,  according  to  their  method  of  reckoning,  and  it  had  always  turned 
out  to  be  a  severe  one.  For  that  reason  Montezuma  changed  it  to  2  cane.  » 

Plate  25 

In  the  year  2  cane  (1507  A.D.)  there  was  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  and  an  earth 
quake.  Eighteen  hundred  warriors  were  drowned  in  the  river  Tucaca,  which  is 
beyond  Ytzuca,  on  the  road  to  Mixteca,  as  they  were  proceeding  to  subjugate 
that  province.  In  this  year  the  temple  of  the  new  fire  was  completed.  They  always 
kindled  a  new  fire  at  the  end  of  fifty- two  years.  This  temple  was  on  the  mountain 
Visasthl,  four  leagues  from  Mexico,  called  Cabeculihuaean  and  from  there  they 
carried  the  new  fire  over  the  entire  land,  for  they  said  that  he  who  on  that  day 
had  fire  in  his  house  would  meet  with  a  thousand  misfortunes. 

In  the  year  4  house  (1509  A.D.)  they  saw  a  light  by  night  which  lasted  forty 
days.  Those  who  saw  it  said  that  it  was  to  be  seen  over  all  New  Spain,  that  it 
was  very  large,  and  very  brilliant,  that  it  was  in  the  east,  and  that  it  came  out 
of  the  earth  and  ascended  to  the  sky. 

In  this  year  the  pueblo  of  Cocola,  which  was  six  leagues  from  Huaxaca,  rose 
in  rebellion  against  the  Mexicans.  The  latter  marched  against  them  and  (utterly 
destroyed  them),  not  a  man  being  left  alive  there,  the  old  people  said.  The 
strange  occurrence  mentioned  above  was  one  of  the  marvels  that  the  people  of 
this  country  saw  before  the  Christians  came  here.  The  people  thought  that  it 
referred  to  Quecalcoatl,  whom  they  expected. 

Illustration:  1.  Mexpanitli. 

Plate  26 

In  the  year  5  rabbit  (1510  A.D.)  there  was  an  eclipse  of  the  sun.  The  people 
never  paid  any  attention  to  the  eclipse  of  the  moon,  but  only  to  eclipses  of  the 
aurij  for  they  said  that  the  sun  ate  the  moon  whenever  an  eclipse  of  the  moon 
took  place. 

In  the  year  7  cane  (1511  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  pueblo  of  Ycpalte- 
pec,  climbing  up  by  means  of  ladders,  for  it  was  on  a  steep  rock.  In  this  year 
there  were  severe  snowstorms  and  three  earthquakes. 


39  One  of  the  methods  of  sacrifice. 


50  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

In  the  year  7  flint  (1512  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  pueblo  of  Quimi- 
chintepec,  and  Nopala,  which  was  in  the  direction  of  the  province  of  Tototepec. 
In  this  year  the  stones  steamed  to  such  an  extent  that  (the  steam)  seemed  to 
ascend  to  the  sky. 

Plate  27 

In  this  year  (1513  A.D.),  the  Mexicans  conquered  Tototepec,  a  province  eighty 
leagues  from  Mexico  and  near  the  Pacific  Ocean.  In  this  year  there  was  such 
an  earthquake,  the  old  people  who  were  there  say,  and  so  great  was  the  number 
of  birds  that  flew  from  the  east  to  the  west,  that  they  hid  the  sun.  Some  of 
these  birds  were  captured  and  they  were  found  to  be  without  entrails  and  to  have 
nothing  but  dirt  in  the  cavities  of  their  bodies. 

In  the  year  9  rabbit  (1514  A.D.)  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  province  of 
Hayocingo,  which  is  the  one  which  had  held  out  so  long  against  them.  For  that 
reason  it  is  claimed  that  they  came  to  serve  the  Mexicans  with  collars  of  gold. 

In  the  year  10  cane  (1515  A.D.),  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  Ytzlaquetla- 
loca.  . 


CODEX  MENDOZA,  PART  II40 

Here  begins  the  history  and  foundation  of  the  capital  of  Mexico,  which  was 
founded  and  peopled  by  the  Mexicans  who  at  that  time  were  called  Mecitis. 
Their  origin,  their  rulers,  their  lives  and  actions,  these  matters  are  briefly  and 
truly  set  forth  in  their  history  as  explained  by  the  pictures  and  figures  that 
follow. 

In  the  year  thirteen  hundred  and  twenty-four  after  the  advent  of  our  Lord 
and  Savior  Jesus  Christ  the  Mexicans  arrived  at  the  site  of  the  city  of  Mexico. 
The  locality  suited  them.  They  had  journeyed  for  many  years  from  place  to 
place,  stopping  sometimes  for  a  number  of  years  in  the  course  of  their  travels. 
Not  being  content,  however,  with  the  places  where  they  had  stopped  they  con 
tinued  until  they  finally  came  to  the  site  of  Mexico  at  a  time  when  it  was  a 
complete  marsh,  overgrown  with  briers  and  rushes,  called  tule,  and  full  of  very 
tall  flags  (reed  grass),  making  it  almost  resemble  a  thicket.  .  .  .  After  explor 
ing  the  country  in  all  directions  they  found  it  fertile,  supplied  with  ample  game, 
birds  and  fish,  and  likewise  those  products  found  in  swampy  lands  upon  which 
they  could  sustain  themselves;  and  they  felt  that  it  also  afforded  them  a  means 
of  livelihood  through  trade  with  the  neighboring  pueblos.  The  security  afforded 
by  the  water,  which  their  neighbors  could  under  no  circumstances  ever  cut  off, 
together  with  other  motives  and  reasons,  induced  them  to  go  no  further  in  their 
travels.  Having  therefore  made  up  their  minds  upon  this  point,  they  strengthened 
their  position  by  utilizing  the  waters  and  clumps  of  tule  and  reed  grass  for  their 
walls  and  bulwarks.  Having  thus  laid  the  foundation  for  their  settlement  and 
nation,  they  decided  to  give  a  name  to  the  place,  calling  it  Tenuchtitlan,  on 
account  of  the  tunal  growing  upon  the  stone. 

The  Mexican  army  had  ten  men  as  their  chiefs,  named :  Acacitli,  Ocelopa,  Quapa, 
Aquexotl,  Teeineuh,  Tenuch,  Xomimitl,  Xocoyol,  Xiuhcaqui,  Atototl  (who  are 
also  shown  in  the  painting),  and  these  having  selected  a  site  elected  as  their 
head  and  leader^Tenuch,  a  person  especially  fitted  to  rule  over  them  and  in  whom 

40  Translated  from  Lord  Kinprsborough  's  edition.  None  of  the  plates  of  this 
codex  are  reproduced. 


1920]       It  a  din :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         51 

were  united  talents  and  abilities  necessary  for  the  exercise  of  leadership.  The 
other  chiefs  were  in  a  measure  under  his  command  (Jiazedores]  and  were  captains 
of  the  common  people. 

After  some  years  had  passed,  and  the  city  had  developed  and  the  people  had 
increased  in  number,  the  same  city  became  Mexico,  the  name  signifying  the  place 
and  habitation  of  the  Mexicans. 

When  the  people  had  increased  somewhat  in  number,  being  a  brave  and  warlike 
nation,  they  began  to  direct  their  attention  toward  conquering  their  neighbors, 
and  they  distinguished  themselves  to  such  an  extent  by  their  warlike  achievements 
that  they  reduced  to  the  condition  of  vassals  and  tribute-paying  peoples  two 
cities  near  Mexico  named  respectively,  Colhuacan  and  Tenayucan  (indicated  also 
in  the  paintings).  These  events  occurring  in  the  course  of  the  leadership  of 
Tenuch  which  lasted  fifty-one  years  and  at  the  end  of  which  period  he  died.  .  .  . 

Plate  1 

(Names  of  the  ten  leaders  given  above  and  of  the  cities  of  Colhuacan,  Tena 
yucan  and  Tenochtitlan  represented  by  their  symbols.) 

Plate  2 

Illustrations:  1.  Acamapich.  2.  By  this  shield  and  arrows  are  signified  weapons 
of  war.  3.  Quauhnahuac.  4.  Acamapich.  5.  Mixquic.  6.  Cuitlhuac.  7.  Xoch- 
imilco. 

The  four  pueblos  figured  and  named  in  the  plate  are  those  conquered  by  the 
arms  of  Acamapich  during  the  time  he  was  chief  of  Mexico.  The  four  heads  shown 
and  figured  above  are  those  of  persons  who  were  captured  in  the  wars  against 
the  four  pueblos  and  whose  heads  were  cut  off.  Number  of  years  of  his  reign, 
twenty-one. 

In  the  year  1370  A.D.  Acamapichtli  succeeded  to  the  said  command  and  gov 
ernment,  and  during  his  rule  he  conquered  by  the  force  of  arms  the  pueblos  shown 
in  the  pictures.  .  .  .  They  became  tribute-paying  communities  and  acknowledged 
their  vassalage  (to  Mexico).  During 'his  rule  the  said  Acamapichtli  showed  a 
marked  inclination  for  the  possession  of  many  wives,  all  of  whom  were  daughters 
of  the  chiefs  of  Mexico.  Consequently  he  had  many  children  and  this  was  the 
reason  for  the  existence  of  so  large  a  number  of  caoiques  and  captains,  all 
addicted  to  war  and  through  whose  exertions  the  city  of  Mexico  developed  into 
a  great  power.  All  of  these  will  be  shown  in  the  course  of  this  history,  repre 
sented  by  the  figures  with  their  explanations. 

The  two  figures  with  the  title  and  name  of  Acamapichtli  are  in  reality  the 
same,  for  the  first  picture  shows  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  and  the  second  year 
after  his  succession,  when  he  began  to  conquer  and  subject  the  four  pueblos 
mentioned. 

Plate  3 

Illustrations:  1.  Toltitlan.  2.  Quauhtitlan.  3.  Chalco.  4.  Huicilyhuitl. 
(Shield  and  arrows  signifying  the  conquest  of  the  above  named  and  pictured 
figures.)  6.  Tulancinco.  7.  Xaltocan.  8.  Otumpa.  9.  Tezcuco.  10.  Acolma. 

In  the  year  1396  A.D.  Huicilyhuitl,  son  of  Acamapichtli,  succeeded  to  the  said 
command,  and  during  his  rule  by  the  force  of  arms  he  conquered  the  eight  afore 
mentioned  pueblos  .  .  .  who  then  paid  tribute  to  the  Mexican  state  and  acknowl 
edged  their  vassalage.  The  said  Huicilyhuitl  was  of  martial  disposition,  and  he 
also  possessed  many  wives.  These  bore  him  many  sons  and  thus  the  power  of 
Mexico  was  augmented.  The  rule  of  the1  said  Huicilyhuitl  lasted  twenty-one  years, 
at  the  end  of  which  he  died.  . 


52  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Plate  4 

Illustrations:  1.  Tequixquiac.  2.  Chimalpupuca.  3.  The  picture  of  a  shield 
and  arrows  signifying  war.  4.  Chalco.  5.  Chimalpupuca  dead.  6.  Five  heads 
signifying  five  Mexicans  killed  by  the  inhabitants  of  Chalco.  7.  Four  canoes. 

8.  A  figure  signifying  that  a  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  Chalco  revolted  against 
the  Mexicans,  inflicting  losses  upon  them  and  breaking  four  canoes,  as  shown  by 
the  stone  in  their  hands.  ...  9.  Ten  years. 

In  the  year  1417  A.D.,  on  the  death  of  Huicilyhuitl,  Chimalpupuca  succeeded 
to  the  said  command  of  Mexico.  Chimalpupuca  was  the  son  of  Huieilyhuitl  and 
during  his  rule  he  subjected  by  the  force  of  arms  the  pueblos  of  Tequixquiac  and 
Chalco,  the  latter  a  powerful  people.  They  acknowledged  their  vassalage  and 
paid  tribute  to  the  state  of  Mexico,  as  the  pictures  show.  They  held  the  said 
pueblos  in  subjection,  but  after  a  number  of  years  the  aforesaid  powerful  pueblo 
of  Chalco  rebelled  against  the  Mexicans,  and  in  this  rebellion  the  Mexicans 
suffered  losses,  five  people  being  killed  and  four  canoes  being  broken,  as  is  indicated 
further  on  by  the  pictures  with  their  explanations. 

The  rule  of  Chimalpupuca  lasted  ten  years,  at  the  end  of  which  he  died.  .  .  . 

The  same  Chimalpupuca  had,  in  the  course  of  his  life,  many  wives,  who  bore 
him  many  children.  The  possession  of  many  wives  was  considered  as  indicative 
of  power. 

Plate  5 

Illustrations:  1.  Azcapuzala.  2.  Coyuacan.  3.  Teocalhueyan.  4.  Yzcoaci. 
5.  Shield  and  arroAV  signifying  the  weapons  with  which  the  towns  named  and 
figured  above  were  conquered.  6.  Quaguacan.  7.  Tlacopan.  8.  Atlacinhuayan. 

9.  Mixcoac.     10.  Quauximal.     11.  Quauhtitlan.     12.  Teepan.     13.  Acolhuacan. 

Plate  6 

Illustrations:  1.  Mizquic.  2.  Cuitlahuac.  3.  Xodjimilco.  4.  Chalco.  5. 
Quauhtlatoa  died.  6.  Tlatilulco.  7.  Huizizilapa.  8.  Quauhnahuac.  9.  Cuezalan. 

10.  Zaqualpa.     11.  Yztepec.     12.  Xiuhtepec.     13.  Yoalan.     14.  Tepequacinla. 

In  1427  A.D.,  upon  the  death  of  Chimalpupuca,  Yzcoaci,  a  son  of  Acamapichtli 
who  had  been  one  of  the  rulers  of  Mexico,  succeeded  to  that  dignity.  During  his 
rule  he  gained  and  conquered,  by  the  force  of  his  arms,  twenty-four  pueblos.  .  .  . 
These  people  he  conquered  in  a  single  campaign  and  they  were  subjected  to  the 
state  of  Mexico.  The  said  Yzcoaci  was  valiant  and  brave,  and  a  man  of  sound 
judgment,  and  it  was  through  his  energy  and  force  of  character  that  they  were 
enabled  to  subject  these  peoples  and  compel  them  to  acknowledge  their  vassalage 
to  Mexico  and  to  pay  tribute.  The  said  Yzcoaci  had  many  wives  who  bore  him 
sons  and  daughters.  His  rule  lasted  thirteen  years,  and  at  the  end  of  this  he 
died.  .  .  . 

Plate  7 

Illustrations:    1.  Atonal,    Coayxtlahuaean.      2.  Mamalhuaztepec.      3.  Tenanco. 

4.  Huehue    Moteczuma.      5.  Weapons.      6.  Teteuhtepec.       7.  Chiconquiauhco.       8. 
Xiuhtepec.     9.  Totolapa.      10.  Chalco.      11.  Quauhnahuac.      12.  Atlatlauhca.      13. 
Huaxtepec. 

Plate  8 

Illustrations:    1.  Yauhtepec.      2.  Tepuztlan.      3.  Tepatzinco.      4.  Yacapichtlan. 

5.  Yoaltepec.     6.  Tlachco.      7.  Tlalcozauhtitla.      8.  Tepecuaeinla.     9.  Quiyauhteo- 
pan.     10.  Chontalcoatlan.     11.  Hreypuchtla.     12.  Atotonilco..     13.  Axocopan.     14. 
Tulan.     15.  Xilotepec.     16.  Yzeuincuitlapilco.      17.  Atotomilco.      18.  Tlapacoyom. 
19.  Chapolycxitla.      20.  Tlatlauhquitepec.      21.  Cuetlaxtlan.      22.  Quauhtocho. 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         53 

In  the  year  1440  A.D.,  upon  the  death  of  Yzcoaci,  Huehuemoteccuma,  the  son 
of  Huicilyhuitl,  the  late  ruler  of  Mexico,  succeeded  to  the  said  dignity,  and  during 
his  reign  he  conquered  and  gained  by  the  force  of  his  arms,  thirty-three  pueblos. 
.  .  .  This  Huehuemoteccuma  was  a  grave  and  generous  ruler,  virtuous,  a  man  of 
fine  qualities  and  good  judgment  and  an  enemy  of  corrupt  practices.  By  reason 
of  his  natural  inclinations,  he  introduced  law  and  order  into  his  own  state  as 
well  as  into  his  vassal  states.  He  imposed  heavy  fines,  which  he  put  into  force 
and  never  remitted,  against  those  who  broke  the  laws.  He  was  not  cruel,  but  on 
the  contrary  kind,  always  anxious  for  the  good,  the  father  of  all  his  vassals.  He 
was  not  particularly  addicted  to  women  and  had  two  sons.  He  was  temperate  in 
drink,  never  in  the  entire  course  of  his  life  having  been  seen  intoxicated,  although 
the  native  Indians  are,  in  general,  extremely  inclined  to  drunkenness.  On  the  con 
trary,  he  ordered  that  those  who  became  intoxicated  should  be  censured  and  pun 
ished.  On  account  of  his  generosity  and  the  good  example  he  showed  in  his  manner 
of  living  he  was  feared  and  respected  by  all  his  vassals,  throughout  the  length  of 
his  life,  (his  rule)  lasting  twenty-nine  years,  at  the  end  of  which  he  died.  .  .  . 

Plate  9 

Illustrations:  1.  Tlatilula.  2.  Moquihuix  left  Tlatilula.  3.  Atlapula.  4. 
Xalatlan.  5.  Axayacaci.  6.  Weapons  used  in  war.  7.  Tlacotepec.  8.  Metepec. 
9.  Capuluac.  10.  Ocoyacac.  11.  Quauhpanoayan.  12.  Xochiacan.  13.  Teo- 
tenanco.  14.  Caliymaya.  15.  Zinantepec. 

Plate  10 

Illustrations:  1.  Tulucan.  2.  Xiquipilco.  3.  Tenanzinco.  4.  Tepeyaca.  5. 
Tlaximaloyan.  6.  Oztoma.  7.  Xocotitlan.  8.  Ocuilan.  9.  Oztotipac.  10.  Mat- 
latlan.  11.  Cuezcomatlyyacac.  12.  Teealco.  13.  Cuetlaxtlam.  14.  Puxcauhtlam. 
15.  Ahuilizapan.  16.  Tlaolan.  17  Mixtlan  18.  Cuezaloztoc.  19.  Tetzopotitlan. 
20.  Miquiyetlan.  21.  Tamuoc.  22.  Tanpatel.  23.  Tuchpan.  24.  Tenexticpac. 
25.  Quauhtlan. 

In  the  year  1479  A.D.,  upon  the  death  of  Huehuemoteccuma,  Axayacaci,  the 
son  of  the  late  Tecocomoctli  and  grandchild  of  the  late  Yzcoatzi,  who  had  been  a 
former  ruler  of  Mexico,  succeeded  to  that  dignity.  During  the  time  Axayacaci  was 
ruler,  he  conquered  and  gained  by  the  force  of  arms  thirty-seven  pueblos.  .  .  . 
Among  those  he  subjected  to  his  rule  was  the  pueblo  of  Tlatilula,  this  conquest 
being  one  of  great  importance.  The  ruler  of  Tlatilula  at  that  time  was  Moquihuix, 
a'  man  of  great  power  and  importance.  He  was  of  a  haughty  nature  and  gave 
the  ruler  of  Mexico  a  pretext  and  occasion  for  strife  and  war,  although  the  two 
had  at  first  been  friends.  In  this  war  great  engagements  and  battles  took  place, 
and  finally  the  said  Moquihuix,  ruler  of  Tlatilula,  died  by  throwing  himself  from 
a  high  temple,  when  he  saw  himself  beaten  in  battle.  Seeing  himself  conquered, 
he  entered  the  temple  to  escape  capture.  There  he  met  a  priest  of  the  temple, 
who  upbraided  him  for  his  action,  and,  when  the  priest  repeatedly  upbraided  him 
with  raised  voice,  he  threw  himself  down  as  mentioned  above.  There  the  Mexicans 
were  victorious  and  from  that  time  on  the  pueblo  of  Tlatilula,  even  up  to  the 
time  of  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  was  a  vassal  of  the  rulers  of  Mexico,  acknowl 
edging  its  servitude  and  paying  tribute. 

Axayacaci  was  very  brave  and  valiant  in  war.  He  was  also  addicted  to  women 
and  had  many  wives  and  children.  He  was  haughty  and  impetuous,  and  on  that 
account  his  vassals  feared  him  greatly.  He  kept  and  approved  the  laws  and 
ordinances  of  his  predecessors. 


54  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 


Plate  11 

Illustrations:     1.  Taonaliymoquezayom.       2.  Toxico.       3.  Ecatepec.       4.  Zilom. 

5.  Tecaxic.     6.  Tuluca.     7.  Tizozicatzin.     8.  Shield  and  arrows  signifying  that  the 
pueblos  named  and  figured  above  were  conquered.     9.  Yamanitlam.     10.  Tlapan. 
11.  Atezcahuacan.     12.  Mazatlam.     13.  Xochiyetla.     14.  Tamapacha.     15.  Ecatly- 
guapecha.     16.  Miquetlam. 

In  the  year  1482  A.D.,  upon  the  death  of  Axayacaci,  Tizozicatzi,  son  of  the  said 
Axayacaci,  succeeded  to  the  rule  of  Mexico.  During  his  rule  he  gained  and 
conquered,  by  the  force  of  arms,  fourteen  pueblos.  .  .  . 

The  said  Tizozicatzi  was  extremely  brave  and  valiant,  and  before  he  succeeded 
to  the  said  rule  he  had  performed  great  deeds  in  war,  on  account  of  which  he 
obtained  the  rank  of  tlacatecatl,  which  was  a  title  of  great  honor  and  dignity. 
The  man  who  possessed  this  honor  and  title  immediately  succeeded  to  the  said 
rule  when  the  office  became  vacant.  His  predecessors  and  his  brothers,  to  be  men 
tioned  afterwards,  as  well  as  his  father  and  grandfather,  had  taken  the  same 
course,  possessing  the  title  and  dignity,  until  they  were  finally  elevated  to  the 
position  of  rulers  of  Mexico. 

The  said  Tizozicatzi,  as  a  mark  of  authority  and  state,  had  many  wives,  and 
they  bore  him  many  sons.  He  was  a  brave  man,  strict  in  his  commands,  and 
feared  and  respected  by  his  vassals.  He  was  inclined  to,  and  applied  himself  to, 
virtuous  and  good  actions  and  was  a  good  friend  of  the  state.  He  protected  and 
approved  all  the  laws  and  ordinances  which  his  predecessors  had  observed  and 
augmented  from  the  time  of  Huehuemoteccuma.  He  was  zealous  in  pursuing  and 
punishing  corrupt  practices  and  crimes  which  his  vassals  committed  and  thus 
the  state  of  Mexico  was  well  governed  and  taken  care  of  during  his  rule.  The 
length  of  his  rule  was  five  years,  and  at  the  end  of  this  period  he  died. 

Plate  12 

Illustrations  1.  Tziccoac.    2.  Tlappan.    3.  Molanco.    4.  Amaxtlan.    5.  Zapotlan. 

6.  Xaltepec.       7.  Chiapan.       8.  Tototepec.       9.  Ahuizozin.       10.  Weapons.        11. 
Xochtlan.     12.  Xolochiuhyom.      13.  Cozcaquauhtenanco.      14.  Cozohuipilecan.      15. 
Coyuca.     16.  Acatepec.      17.  Huexolotlan.      18.  Acapulco.      19.  Xiuhhuacan.      20. 
Apancalecan.     21.    Tecpatepec.      22.    Tepechiapa.      23.    Xicochimilco.      24.    Xiuh- 
teczacatlan. 

Plate  13 

Illustrations:  1.  Tecuantepec.  2.  Coyolapan.  3.  Yztactlealocan.  4.  Teocnit- 
latla.  5.  Huehuetlan.  6.  Quauhxayacatitla.  7.  Yzhuatan.  8.  Comitlan.  9. 
Nantzintlan.  10.  Huipilan.  11.  Cahualan.  12.  Yztatlan.  13.  Huitzlan.  14. 
Xolotlan.  15.  Quauhnacaztlan.  16.  Mazatlan.  17.  Ayauhtochcintlatla.  18. 
Quauhtlan.  19.  Cuezalcintlapila.  20.  Mapachtepec.  21.  Quauhpilola.  22. 
Tlacotepec.  23.  Mizquitlan. 

In  the  year  1487  A.D.,  upon  the  death  of  Tizozicatzi,  Ahuizozin,  brother  of  his 
predecessor  Tizozicatzi,  succeeded  to  the  rule  of  Mexico.  During  his  reign,  by  the 
force  of  arms,  he  gained  and  conquered  forty-five  pueblos.  .  .  .  The  said  Ahuizozin 
was  the  equal  in  valor  and  arms  of  his  predecessor  and  brother  Tizozicatzi,  and 
on  that  account  he  obtained  the  title  of  tlacatecatl,  wrhich  signifies  commander  in 
chief  (gran  capitan},  and  from  that  dignity  he  advanced  and  succeeded  to  the 
said  rule  of  Mexico. 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        55 

The  said  Ahuizozin  was  a  person  of  naturally  good  inclinations,  addicted  to 
virtue,  and,  for  that  reason,  during  his  life  and  rule  the  state  was  well  governed 
and  administered.  He  observed,  and  caused  to  be  observed  by  others,  the  ordi 
nances  and  privileges  which  his  ancestors  had  maintained  and  observed  from  the 
time  of  HueJmemoteccuma.  Now  the  Mexican  state  had  grown  in  a  remarkable 
manner  and  had  subjugated  the  greater  part  of  New  Spain.  These  people  all 
acknowledged  their  vassalage,  and  paid  to  Mexico  rich  and  varied  tributes.  This 
power  reached  its  culmination  during  his  life.  He  was  a  powerful  and  magnani 
mous  ruler  and  gave  expensive  entertainments  to  his  people.  Being  of  a  temperate 
and  kindly  disposition  his  vassals  and  captains  loved  him  exceedingly  and  showed 
him  great  reverence.  He  had  numerous  wives  who  bore  him  many  children,  this 
being  regarded  as  something  that  appertained  to  the  dignity  of  the  ruler  of  so 
great  a  state.  He  was  of  a  happy  disposition  and  his  vassals  consequently  gave 
themselves  up  to  festivities  in  his  honor.  They  had  many  and  varied  feasts  and 
the  singing  and  the  music  of  the  instruments  was  heard  all  day  and  all  night. 
In  his  houses  singing  and  music  never  stopped.  The  duration  of  his  rule  was 
seventeen  years. 

Plate  14 

Illustrations:  1.  Achiotlan.  2.  Zozolan.  3.  Nochiztlan.  4.  Tecutepec.  5. 
Zulan.  6.  Tlaniztlan.  7.  Huilotepec.  8.  Motezzcuma.  9.  Weapons.  10.  Ycpate- 
pec.  11.  Yztactlalocan.  12.  Chihihualtatacala,  13.  Tecaxic.  14.  Tlachinoltic. 
15.  Xoconochco.  16.  Zinacantlan.  17.  Huiztlan.  18.  Piaztlan.  19.  End  and 
death  of  Motezzcuma.  .  .  . 

Plate  15 

Illustrations:  1.  Molanco.  2.  Caquantepec.  3.  Pipiyoltepec.  4.  Hueyapan. 
Zulan.  6.  Tlaniztlan.  7.  Huilotepec.  8.  Motezzcuma.  9.  Weapons.  10.  Ycpate- 
zauhtla.  11.  Teochiapan.  12.  Zacatepec.  13.  Tlachquiyahuco.  14.  Malinaltepec. 
15.  Quimichtepec.  16.  Yzcuintepec.  17.  Zenzontepec.  18.  Quetzaltepec.  19. 
Cuezcomayxtlahuacan.  20.  Huexolotlan. 

Plate  16 

Illustrations:  1.  Xalapan.  2.  Xaltianquizco.  3.  Yoloxpuecuila.  4.  Atepec. 
5.  Mictlan.  6.  Yztitlan.  7.  Tliltepec.  8.  Comaltepec. 

Plate  17 

Illustrations:  1.  Zitlaltepec.  2.  Quauhtochto.  4.  Tzonpanco.  5.  Xaltocan. 
8.  Huaca.  9.  Yzteyocan.  10.  Acalhuacan.  11.  Coatitlan.  12.  Huixachtitlan.  15. 
Zozolan.  16.  Poctepec.  17.  Coatlayauhcan.  18.  Acolnahuac.  19.  Puputlan.  20. 
Yztacalco.  21.  Chalcoatenco. 

Plate  18 

Illustrations:  3.  Oztoma.  6.  Atzacan.  8.  Atlan.  10.  Xoconochco.  12.  Teca- 
potitlan. 

In  the  year  1502  A.D.  Moteczuma  succeeded  to  the  rule  of  Mexico  after  the 
death  of  Ahuizozin.  By  that  time  Mexico  had  attained  great  majesty  and  author 
ity.  He  succeeded  to  the  said  rule  on  account  of  his  great  seriousness  and  he 


56  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

succeeded  in  increasing  the  power  and  extent  of  his  state,  so  that  his  power 
was  even  more  extensive  than  that  of  his  predecessors.  Moteczuma  was  the  son 
of  Ahuizozin,  who  had  preceded  him  in  the  rule  of  Mexico. 

Before  he  succeeded  to  the  said  position,  he  had  obtained  a  reputation  as  a 
valiant  warrior  and  leader  and  on  account  of  this  he  had  received  the  dignity 
of  tlacatecatl  and  thus  (upon  the  death  of  the  chief)  succeeded  to  the  latter 's 
position,  as  has  already  been  mentioned.  As  soon  as  he  had  obtained  that  position 
he  increased  the  power  and  prestige  of  Mexico  in  every  direction,  ruling  over  all 
the  pueblos  of  New  Spain,  so  that  they  gave  and  paid  him  tributes  of  great 
value  and  wealth.  He  was  greatly  feared  by  all  his  vassals  and  his  captains  and 
the  leaders  looked  up  to  him  with  great  respect.  Indeed,  no  person,  when  he  had 
business  to  transact  with  him,  would  dare  look  him  in  the  face,  so  great  was  the 
respect  in  which  he  was  held.  On  such  occasions  people  always  fixed  their  eyes 
upon  the  ground  and  bowed  their  heads  to  the  ground,  showing  also  other  marks 
of  respect  and  veneration,  due  him  on  account  of  the  majesty  which  he  represented, 
and  of  which  a  description  is  not  given  here  to  avoid  length.  .  .  . 

After  Moteczuma  had  succeeded  to  the  rule,  he  conquered  forty-four  pueblos 
.  .  .  and  he  subjected  them  to  his  power,  and  in  acknowledgment  of  their  vassalage, 
throughout  the  length  of  his  rule,  the  subject  peoples  paid  him  rich  and  numerous 
tributes. 

Moteczuma  was  by  nature  a  wise  man,  an  astrologer,  a  philosopher,  and  gen 
erally  skilled  and  versed  in  all  the  arts,  both  of  war  and  peace.  On  account  of 
his  great  seriousness  and  state  it  was  during  his  rule  that  the  development  toward 
empire  (?)  began,  for  which  reason  his  subjects  revered  him  as  well  as  his  power, 
since,  compared  to  his  predecessors,  no  one  had  ever  possessed  a  character  of  such 
dignity  and  majesty. 

The  ordinances  and  laws  of  his  predecessors  from  the  time  of  Huehuemoteczuma 
to  his  own  day  he  caused  to  be  observed  and  kept  in  their  entirety  with  great  care. 
And  since  he  was  naturally  wise  himself,  he  enacted  and  made  other  ordinances 
and  laws,  such  as  appeared  to  him  necessary  to  complete  the  former  without,  how 
ever,  at  the  same  time,  repealing  any  of  the  older  ones.  All  this  was  done  for 
the  advantage  and  better  government  of  his  country  and  his  vassals. 

He  was  inclined  to  women  and  had  many  households.  His  wives  were  the 
daughters  of  nobles  (senores),  of  his  vassals,  and  of  his  confederates,  and  these 
women  all  bore  him  many  children.  He  had  this  large  number  of  wives  to  show 
his  majesty  and  power,  for  so  it  was  considered.  .  .  . 

The  quantity  and  number  of  tributes  his  vassals  paid  him,  will  be  seen  and 
understood  later  on.  .  .  . 

He  was  very  strict  in  regard  to  the  tributes  paid  him,  which  were  appraised 
by  him  personally,  so  that  he  could  be  certain  that  they  were  paid  in  full.  For 
this  purpose  he  had  calpixques  and  liazedores  (under-officers)  placed  in  all  the 
subject  pueblos  and  these  ruled  in  the  manner  of  governors,  giving  commands  and 
governing  in  general.  He  was  so  greatly  feared  that  no  one  dared  transgress  nor 
exceed  his  wish  or  command,  and  for  that  reason  his  orders  were  entirely  observed 
and  obeyed,  for  (it  was  known)  how  inexorable  he  was  in  punishing  and  chastizing 
those  who  disobeyed. 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         57 


HISTORIA  DE  LOS  MEXICANOS  FOB  SUS  PINTUEAS^i 

Cliapter  X 

...  As  has  been  already  narrated,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  they  repre 
sent  the  city  of  Culuacan,  a  very  large  city  with  many  populous  places  around  it, 
on  account  of  which  the  inhabitants  determined  to  seek  a  country  to  settle  in,  and 
being  united  they  took  for  captain  and  war  chief  one  named  Ynqualtlatlauqui, 
and  they  took  the  names  of  the  old  towns  and  places  they  had  left  and  gave  them 
to  new  ones  in  the  country  to  which  they  migrated.  It  is  said  that  the  following 
peoples  went  with  them  and  that  each  took  the  god  it  worshipped  and  its  own 
type  of  temple  ceremonial,  for  in  each  one  the  service  was  different,  no  one 
being  identical  with  another,  for  which  reason  they  are  also  painted  dissimilarly. 

So  there  went  forth  with  them  those  of  Culuacan,  that  being  their  principal 
city.  This  town  was  placed  in  the  new  settlement  about  two  leagues  distant  from 
the  place  where  they  first  settled  (in  this  country),  and  of  which  more  will  be  said 
afterward. 

They  took  with  them  their  god,  called  Cinteul,  son  of  Pincetecli :  those  •  of 
Suchimilco  started  out  and  took  with  them  their  god  called  Quelazcli,  who  was 
called  the  stag  of  Mixcoatl.  The  Atitlalabaca  and  their  god  Amimicli,  who  was 
(called?)  a  rod  of  Mixcoatl,  whom  they  reverenced  as  a  god,  and  the  rod  they 
kept  in  memory  of  him.  Then  there  sallied  forth  those  of  Mizquique  who  took 
along  as  their  god  Tezcatlipuca  Napatecli.  Then  those  of  Tacuba,  Guluftean,  and 
Ascaputzalco,  called  Tenpanecas;  and  these  took  along  with  them  their  god  Ocotecli, 
that  is,  the  fire,  and  for  that  reason  it  was  their  custom  to  throw  into  the  fire 
as  sacrificial  offerings,  all  those  whom  they  captured  in  battle.  These,  and  no 
other  peoples,  the  Mexicans  claim  started  out  with  them,  although  the  peoples  of 
Tazcuco,  Tazcala,  and  Guejocingo  boast  that  they  too  came  with  the  Mexicans  and 
that  they  (came  from)  the  same  country.  All  these  started  out  in  the  first  year, 
called  tecpatl,  and  they  came  organized  in  bands. 

Chapter  XI 

After  they  had  all  set  out  they  came  to  two  high  mountains  in  whose  midst 
they  remained  for  two  years.  As,  however,  they  did  not  paint  the  number  of 
days  it  took  to  come  to  that  place,  nothing  can  be  definitely  said  except  that  from 
their  departure  to  the  time  of  their  settling  in  these  mountains  they  reckon  one 
year  and  that  they  spent  two  years  in  these  mountains  sowing  what  they  needed 
for  sustenance  then  and  what  they  had  to  take  along  with  them  (on  future  jour 
neys).  There  they  erected  their  first  temple  to  Uchilobo,  building  it  like  the  one 
in  the  city  (from  which  they  had  started). 

These  two  mountains  were  opposite  each  other  and  their  settlement  lay  between. 

Three  years  after  their  departure  from  Astla,  the  place  from  which  the  Mexi 
cans  originally  started  out  as  we  have  indicated,  they  left  the  place  between  the 
two  mountains  where  they  had  lived  two  years  and  where,  we  said,  they  erected 
a  temple  to  Uchilogos,  and  came  to  a  place  where  they  found  many  trees  and 
which  was  called  Quausticaca  because  there  were  so  many  pines  there.  There  they 
remained  a  year  and  this  made  four  years  since  their  departure  from  their  native 
country.  From  here  they  started  out  and  came  to  a  pueblo  which  they  called 


4i  Translated  from  Garcia  Icazbalceta  '&  edition  in  Nueva  Coleccion  de  docu- 
mentos  para  la  historia  de  Mexico,  in,  Mexico,  1891. 


58  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Chicomuxtoque  and  in  which  they  settled  and  lived  nine  years,  this  making  thir 
teen  years  since  their  departure  from  their  old  home.  When  they  left  this  last 
place  they  laid  it  waste.  Here  were  born  Tlacuxquin,  Manzamoyagual,  and  Mina- 
queciguatle,  two  men  and  one  woman,  people  of  great  importance.  Here  they 
completed  the  first  thirteen-year  period  of  their  exodus  and  began  to  count  the 
second  thirteen-year  period. 

After  leaving  Chicomuztoque  they  came  to  a  plain,  at  the  present  time  occupied 
by  the  Chichimecas,  situated  opposite  the  Panuco,  and  there  they  stayed  three 
years.  They  called  this  valley  Cuatlicamat.  This  place  they  left  at  the  end 
of  three  years  and  arrived  at  a  ranch  which  they  called  Matlauacala,  where  they 
stayed  three  years  and  where  they  erected  a  temple  to  Uchilogos.  Here  they 
completed  eleven  years  of  the  second  thirteen-year  period  since  they  had  left  their 
home. 

From  this  place  they  went  to  a  mountain  on  this  side  of  Tula,  called  Coate- 
beque,  where  they  stayed  nine  years.  When  they  arrived  there  they  found  the 
macehuales  holding  in  great  veneration  the  mantle  of  the  five  women  whom 
Tezcatlipuca  had  created  and  who  were  killed  on  the  day  on  which  the  sun  was 
created.  As  we  have  explained,  these  same  five  women  came  to  life  again  from 
these  mantles,  and  wandered  around  in  this  mountain  doing  penance  and  drawing 
blood  from  their  tongues  and  ears.  After  four  years  of  penance  one  called 
Cuatlique,  a  virgin,  took  some  white  feathers  and  put  them  in  her  breast,  after 
which  she  conceived,  although  not  having  known  man,  and  gave  birth  to  Uchilogos 
again.  This  was  in  addition  to  the  other  occasions  on  which  he  was  born  for  as 
a  god  he  did  and  could  do  as  he  wished.  At  that  place  were  also  resuscitated  the 
four  hundred  men  whom  Tezcatlipuca  had  made  and  who  had  died  before  the 
sun  was  created. 

When  the  people  saw  that  Cuatlique  was  pregnant  they  wished  to  burn  her,  but 
Uchilogos  was  born  of  her  fully  armed  and  killed  all  of  the  four  hundred  people. 
The  feast  of  his  birth  and  that  of  the  death  of  the  four  hundred  is  celebrated 
every  year  as  will  be  recounted  in  the  section  on  feasts.  Before  the  feast  those 
who  \vished  fasted  for  eighty  days,  eating  only  once  (during  that  time). 

The  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Cu^co  burnt  the  four  hundred  whom 
Uchilogos  had  killed  and  accepted  them  as  their  gods.  They  so  regard  them  up 
to  the  present  day,  and  on  this  mountainside  they  celebrate  the  first  feast,  of  the 
birth  of  Uchilogos  and  the  feast  of  the  four  hundred  whom  he  killed. 

After  thirty-three  years  had  elapsed  since  their  departure  from  their  home, 
they  left  Coatebeque  and  came  to  Chimalcoque  where  they  stayed  three  years, 
and  where  they  erected  a  temple  and  where  they  placed  the  ark  of  Uchilobos. 
There,  the  thirty-ninth  year  since  their  departure  having  been  completed,  they 
took  the  ark  of  Uchilobos  and  gave  it  to  Vingualti  that  he  might  take  it  along 
with  him  during  their  journey  and  keep  it  in  great  reverence. 

Then  they  came  to  Tlemaco,  close  to  Tula,  and  here  they  erected  a  temple 
to  Uchilogos  and  stayed  there  twelve  years.  At  the  end  of  these  twelve  years  they 
departed  and  entrusted  the  ark  of  Uchilogos  to  the  care  of  Cacici.  After  this  had 
taken  place  they  came  to  Atlitlalaquia,  a  well-known  pueblo  near  Tula,  where  they 
stayed  two  years  and  where,  during  this  time,  they  erected  a  temple  to  Uchilogos. 
After  two  years  the  Mexicans  arrived  at  the  town  of  Tula,  which  at  that  time 
was  inhabited  by  the  aborigines  of  the  country,  the  Chichimecas.  When  they 
arrived  at  the  aforementioned  place  they  erected  a  temple  to  Uchilogos  and  placed 
before  it  the  candelabra  which  are  still  used  at  the  present  time,  and  they  offered 
before  the  temple  copal  and  other  swreet-smelling  objects. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans 


Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the  Mexicans  Uchilogos  appeared  to  the 
aborigines  clothed  in  black,  and  when  the  latter  heard  Uchilobos  crying  below 
the  earth  they  inquired  why  the  god  of  the  Mexicans  was  crying  below  the  .earth. 
In  answer  they  were  told  that  it  was  because  all  those  living  in  Tula  would  (soon) 
have  to  die.  Within  four  years  of  this  time  an  old  woman,  a  native  of  Tula,  went 
around  the  country  handing  to  each  native  a  bundle  of  paper  placed  in  a  wooden 
box(f)  in  which  it  was  made  manifest  to  them  that  they  were  to  make  prepara 
tions  for  the  death  they  were  soon  to  meet.  Shortly  after  that  they  were  all  thrown 
upon  the  stone  used  by  the  Mexicans  for  their  human  sacrifices.  He  who  was  in 
charge  of  the  temple  they  had  erected  in  Tula,  a  man  named  Tequipuyul,  who  was  a 
stranger  and  who,  it  is  believed,  was  the  devil,  did  the  sacrificing.  Before  the 
Mexicans  erected  a  temple  there,  that  stone  had  been  used  by  the  people  of  Tula 
as  a  temple.  Thus  did  all  the  people  of  Tula  meet  their  death,  not  one  being  left 
alive,  and  the  Mexicans  became  the  lords  of  Tula. 

Soon  they  left  Tula  and  came  to  where  today  the  pueblo  of  Atotoniltengo 
stands,  where  they  stayed  one  year.  From  there  they  went  to  where  the  pueblo 
of  Tecuzquiac  now  stands  and  where  they  stayed  four  years.  From  there  they 
went  to  the  pueblo  of  Apazco,  and  from  Apazco  they  went  to  Zumpango,  where 
they  stayed  three  years.  As  they  came  near  the  pueblo  of  Zumpango  they  encoun 
tered  a  Chichimecan  chief  (?)  named  Tlavizcalpotongui,  who,  when  he  saw  the 
Mexicans  coming,  went  out  to  meet  them,  and  there  a  Chichimecan  who  had  been 
taken  prisoner  in  war  was  sacrificed  to  Uchilogos,  god  of  the  Mexicans.  They 
afterwards  placed  his  head  on  a  pole  and  it  is  from  this  fact  that  the  pueblo 
received  the  name  Zumpango,  which  means  pole-on-which-they-transfixed-human- 
heads. 

Starting  out  from  there  after  three  years  they  came  to  Tlillac,  where  they 
remained  seven  years.  After  they  left  that  place,  while  on  their  journey,  and 
before  they  came  to  Cuautitlan,  the  Chichimecans  captured  a  Mexican  woman  and 
carried  her  off  to  Mechoacan.  From  her  are  descended  all  the  people  of  Mechoacan. 
Before  them  (this  country)  was  occupied  by  the  Chiehimecas.  (The  Mexicans) 
continued  their  journey  to  Cuatitlan,  where  they  stayed  a  year.  Departing  they 
went  to  Ecatebeque  where  they  likewise  stayed  a  year.  From  Ecatebeque  they 
went  to  Nepopualco,  which  means  ' '  a-narrow-passage, ' ;  and  here  they  made  an 
enumeration  of  all  those  wrho  had  come  along;  but  it  is  not  known  nor  is  there 
any  indication  in  their  picture  writings  of  ho\v  great  that  number  was. 

There  they  erected  a  house  for  Cipan  and  one  for  Xincaque,  for  these  were  the 
men  who  had  made  the  census  of  the  people  who  had  accompanied  them.  Three 
Mexicans  left  them  at  that  place:  one  named  Navalci,  another  Tenaci,  and  the 
third  Chiautototl,  and  these  three  went  to  settle  Marinalco,  a  pueblo  still  existing 
today. 

At  this  place  the  Mexicans  remained,  erecting  a  temple  to  Uchilogos  at  Cimal- 
pal,  two  leagues  from  the  city  of  Mexico.  The  Mexicans  immediately  gave  a  name 
to  the  mountain  near  Chimalpa,  calling  it  Tlatlatevique.  Then  they  went  to 
another  mountain  called  Cuatitlan,  which  is  two  leagues  from  Mexico,  and  there 
they  stayed  four  years.  From  there  they  went  to  a  mountain  called  Visachichitlan, 
where,  at  the  present  time,  the  people  belonging  to  the  barrio  of  Santiago  have 
their  suchiles(^).  From  there  they  went  to  the  mountain  called  Teubulco,  and 
from  there  to  Tenayucan.  At  that  place  one  of  the  Mexican  chiefs  died,  and  for 
that  reason  they  changed  (the  name  of  that  place)  to  (?)  Tepayuca  or  Tecpayuca, 
that  having  been  the  name  of  the  chief  w^ho  had  died  there.  They  put  in  his 
place  a  Chichimecan  lord  named  Tloci.  At  that  place  they  erected  a  temple  to 


T 


60  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Uchilogos  and  they  sacrificed  a  woman,  bringing  her  there  gayly  attired  and 
with  great  festivities,  for  such  was  their  custom  when  they  brought  forth  a  woman 
to  be  sacrificed. 

After  this  feast  to  Uchilogos,  they  departed  again  and  settled  on  a  mountain 
which  they  called  Tepexaquilla,  where  they  stayed  nine  years.  When  these  nine 
years  were  over  they  descended  the  mountain  and  took  up  their  abode  near  the 
rock  from  which  a  hot  spring  took  its  rise,  a  spot  that  today  is  called  "the  little 
rock"  and  that  separates  the  barrios  of  Mexico  and  Santiago. 

At  that  time  everything  was  dry  as  far  as  the  aforesaid  rock,  and  at  that 
place  the  water  of  Chapultepec  passed  through.  Then  they  made  a  kind  of 
enclosure  with  lime  and  stone  through  which  it  might  be  conducted.  They 
stayed  at  this  rock  place  four  years.  From  there  they  went  to  Chapultepec,  where 
they  controlled  the  flow  of  the  water  and  placed  around  it  many  eftpoulec  (f)Jy 
(Spanish,  banderas)  like  those  the  old  woman  gave  to  the  inhabitants  of  Tula 
when  they  wished  to  make  their  sacrifices,  and  which  from  then  on  ceased. 

The  Mexicans  were  at  that  time  in  Chapultepeque,  and  from  there  proceeded  to 
Tlachetongo,  where  San  Lazaro  now  stands  near  the  market  place  of  the  Mexicans, 
and  from  there  they  proceeded  to  the  barrio  called  Agualcomac,  near  the  afore 
mentioned  market  place.  From  there  they  went  to  Vetetlan,  then  to  Ixocan, 
on  the  road  to  Cuyacan,  and  from  there  to  Teuculuacan,  where  they  now  manu 
facture  salt.  Thence  they  proceeded  to  a  mountain  called  Tepetocan,  near 
Cuyoacan,  and  from  there  they  came  to  the  road  of  Uchilobusco,  not  quite  two 
leagues  from  Mexico,  the  pueblo  being  called  Ciavichilat  in  the  language  of  the 
Chichimecas,  for  it  was  settled  by  them. 

These  Chichimecas  had  as  their  god  Ubuchilti,'  who  was  the  god  of  water. 
Now  this  god  of  the  waters  met  the  Indian  carrying  the  ark  and  mantle  of 
Uchilogos,  and,  as  he  met  him,  he  gave  him  some  weapons.  These  are  the  weapons 
used  to  kill  ducks  with.  And  he  also  gave  him  an  arrow.  The  man  was  left-handed, 
like  Uchilogos  the  god  of  waters,  and  for  that  reason  the  latter  told  him  (the 
man),  that  he  must  be  his  son.  They  became  good  friends  and  they  changed  the 
name  of  the  place  where  they  met  from  Uichilat,  its  former  name,  to  Uchiobusco, 
by  which  it  was  known  from  that  time  on. 

Chapter  XII 

From  there  they  went  to  Culuacan,  where  they  found  Achitometl  as  ruler,  and 
then  they  proceeded  to  the  sierra  near  Estapalapa  called  Vizachitla,  and  from 
there  they  went  to  Quexumalc,  where  they  stayed  three  years.  From  there  they 
went  to  Capulco,  and,  turning  aside,  came  to  Tacuxcaleo,  on  the  road  to  Tal- 
manalco,  where  they  erected  a  temple  to  Uchilogos.  At  that  place,  called  Tacux 
caleo,  they  came  together,  the  leaders  being  Xiuteza,  Caley,  and  Escualt,  and  they 
said  to  all  the  people  that  since  the  Chichimecas,  the  aborigines  of  the  sierra, 
had  not  attacked  them,  they  were  to  divide  into  separate  groups  and  in  order 
not  to  be  recognized,  they  were  to  cut  their  hair,  each  in  a  different  fashion.  This 
was  done.  They  did  this,  it  was  said,  because  Uchilogos  had  so  directed  them. 
Each  one  of  those  who  thus  \vent  off  carried  weapons  and  those  who  remained 
there  took  their  manias  and  the  deerskin  of  Micoalt,  as  well  as  some  arrows  for 
weapons,  and  a  bag  in  which  they  could  put  their  tunas,  for  that  was  the  only 
thing  they  ate  at  that  time.  From  there  they  proceeded  to  some  lands  near  by 
and  there  the  leaders  informed  the  people  that  they  were  to  stay  scattered  and 
hidden  for  four  years  and  that  after  that  time  h^d  elapsed  they  were  all  to  go 
together  to  Zacaquipa;  and  tha+  after  another  four  years  had  elapsed,  they  were 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         61 

to  proceed  together  to  the  mountain  and  spring  of  Chapultepeque.     There  they 
were  immediately  to  take  Copil,  the   son  of  the  woman  whom  the  Chichimecans    \ 
had  captured  and  from  whom  the  people  of  Mechoaean  are  descended,  and  offer 
him  up  as  a  sacrifice,  giving  his  heart,  torn  out,  to  the  sun.     In  the  aforementioned 
Chapultepeque  they  remained  fifteen  years. 

Chapter  XIII 

When  they  settled  in  Chapultepeque  the  Mexicans  had  three  leaders:  one  called 
Clautliqueci,  the  son  of  the  leader  who  had  brought  them  there  and  who  had  the 
same  name,  as  has  been  said;  Acipa,  son  of  Cipayavichiliutl,  son  of  Tlauizcal 
Potongui.  This  latter  person  they  selected  as  their  ruler  and  he  governed  over 
them  throughout  the  fifteen  years  that  they  stayed  in  Chapultepeque.  This  Vichi 
liutl  had  two  daughters,  one  named  Tuzcasuch  and  the  other  Chimalasuch.  We 
mentioned  above,  in  connection  with  their  sojourn  at  Chapultepeque,  a  son  of  the 
woman  whom  the  Chichimecans  had  captured  and  carried  off  to  Mechoaean,  and 
from  whom  all  the  natives  of  Mechoaean  were  descended.  At  that  time  it  was  said 
that  this  son  of  the  aforementioned  woman  had  come  from  Mechoaean  to  visit 
the  Mexicans  and  when  they  wished  to  sacrifice  him  he  said  that  he  could  only 
be  sacrificed  in  Mechoaean  where  his  mother  was  and,  for  that  reason,  took  up  I 
his  arms  at  the  command  of  Vichiliutl  and  fought  with  Cuatliqueci.  He  was  \  C-C? 
conquered  and  then  sacrificed  and  his  heart  was  buried  at  the  place  now  named  \ 
Temestitlan,  where  afterwards  the  city  of  Mexico  was  founded.  The  head  was 
buried  at  Tluchitongo. 

Chapter  XIV 

After  nine  years  had  elapsed  another  twenty-five  years  were  spent  in  peace 
and  quiet,  Vichiliutl  ruling  over  them.  On  the  mountain  of  Chapultepeque  they 
built  a  large  temple  to  Uchilogos.  Here  the  Mexicans  remained  at  noon,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  that  country,  who  were  all  Chichimecans,  united  and  fell  upon 
them  near  Chapultepeque,  subsequently  attacking  them  at  night.  They  killed 
all  the  Mexicans  with  a  few  exceptions.  These  latter  fled,  and  escaping  hid 
themselves  in  the  brakes  and  canes  of  the  lagoon  near  by.  They  burnt  the  temple 
that  the  Mexicans  had  erected.  The  people  of  Saltoca  took  the  two  daughters  of 
Viciliutl  prisoner.  Viciliutl  himself  was  taken  prisoner  and  afterwards  killed  by 
the  people  of  Culuacan.  Those  who  fled  and  escaped  remained  concealed  in  the 
canebrakes  for  eighty  days  and  ate  nothing  but  herbs  and  snakes.  However,  they 
had  managed  to  take  Uchilogos  with  them. 

Chapter  XV 

We  mentioned  before  how  the  heart  of  Copil,  the  son  of  tho  woman  who  had 
been  carried  to  Mechoaean,  was  buried  at  Temestitlan.  The  reason  for  this  was 
that  Coautliquezci  had  been  seen  standing  under  the  foliage  of  a  tree  by 
Uchilogos,  who  told  him  to  bury  the  heart  there,  for  this  was  to  be  their  final 
resting  place.  For  that  reason  the  heart  was  interred  there. 

Chapter  XVI 

The  above-mentioned  facts  having  taken  place,  the  Mexicans  who  had  been 
hidden  among  the  grasses  and  canebrakes,  on  account  of  the  great  hunger  they 
were  experiencing  came  out  and  proceeded  to  Culuacan  in  search  of  food.  And 


62 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 


^^U^A. 

? 

^WuAtr*,^ 

JL^^MA*" 

r    <L#-*A&<X 


they  told  the  people  of  Culuacan  that  they  had  come  to  be  their  servants  and 
that  they  should  not  kill  them;  that  they  would  beg  Uchilogos  to  see  to  it  that 
they  should  not  be  killed.  Then  they  gave  to  the  people  of  Culuacan  the  wrap 
pings  and  the  ark  of  Uchilogos  and  they  remained  in  servitude  to  them  (the 
people  of  Culuacan).  At  that  time  the  ruler  of  Culuacan  was  Achitomel  and 
Chalchiutlatonac  was  the  chieftain.  Then  they  built  a  temple,  a  very  beautiful 
one,  there  and  the  people  of  Culuacan  held  a  feast  in  it,  a  feast  in  honor  of 
Ciguacoalt,  the  mother  of  the  god  of  the  nether  world,  whom  the  people  of 
Culuacun  worshipped  as  their  deity. 


For  a  period  of  twenty-five  years  the  Mexicans  lived  in  servitude  to  the  people 
of  Culuacan.  '  At  that  time  the  latter  were  waging  war  with  the  people  of  Suchi- 
milco,  and  in  order  to  find  out  whether  the  Mexicans  were  real  warriors  they  told 
the  latter  to  aid  them.  The  Mexicans,  believing  that  this  was  said  because  the 
people  of  Culuacan  considered  them  women,  sent  ten  Mexicans  along  with  them 
to  the  war,  the  others  remaining  in  their  houses  at  Tizapaa,  now  the  site  of 
Culuacan.  They  told  these  ten  men  who  thus  went  along  not  to  kill  any  of  the 
Suchimilcans,  but  to  cut  off  the  ears  of  those  whom  they  captured.  The  ten 
Mexicans  were  so  successful  that  they  captured  not  ten  but  eighty  Suchimilcans 
and  cut  off  their  ears,  thus  demonstrating  to  the  people  of  Culuacan  that  the 
Mexicans  were  real  warriors. 


Vast****- 
&LA 


£ 


Chapter  XV III 

At  the  end  of  twenty-five  years,  the  Mexicans  abandoned  the  temple  they  had 
erected  to  Uchilogos  in  Culuacan,  which  was  built  so  that  they  might  place  (the 
image  of)  Uchilogos  in  it,  and  erected  a  larger  one  at  Tizapaa;  and  when  the 
people  of  Culuacan  saw  such  a  large  temple  they  asked  the  Mexicans  who  was  to 
be  in  the  temple  and  what  they  were  going  to  place  in  it.  They  answered, 
"hearts, "  and  when  the  people  of  Culuacan  heard  this  they  threw  straw  and 
dirt  into  the  temple  and  made  fun  of  the  Mexicans.  Then  the  Mexicans  (took 
a  woman)  called  Avenci  and  sacrificed  her  to  Uchilogos,  and  with  one  of  her 
bleeding  legs  they  bespattered  the  walls  with  blood.  When  this  sacrifice  was 
beheld  by  the  people  of  Culuacan,  astonished  and  indignant,  they  rose  against 
the  Mexicans,  who  fled  to  the  neighborhood  of  Catitlan,  a  river  which  flows  close 
to  Culuacan.  They  were  pursued  as  far  as  Nextiquipaque  where,  at  the  present 
time,  there  are  twelve  houses  that  are  subject  to  Mexico.  Coxcoci,  the  chief  of 
the  people  of  Culuacan,  favored  the  Mexicans,  and  because  the  former  had 
attacked  the  Mexicans  he  killed  many  of  the  people  of  Culuacan. 

t 
Chapter  XIX 

After  these  things  had  taken  place  and  when,  in  addition,  the  twenty-five  years 
already  mentioned  had  elapsed,  from  that  time  it  is  that  the  first  year  of  their 
entrance  into  the  confines  of  Mexico-Tenustitan  and  the  beginning  of  its  settle 
ment  is  to  be  reckoned.  Then  they  came  to  Istacalco,  a  place  near  Mexico.  From 
there  they  went  to  Mixiucan,  where  a  woman  was  confined,  and  for  that  reason 
they  called  the  place  by  that  name,  which  means,  confinement-place.  There  they 
settled  in  the  barrio  called  Temazcaltitlan,  which  means  barrio-of-the-bath,  which 
today  is  the  benefice  and  barrio  of  San  Pedro  and  San  Pablo.  It  was  here  that 
some  Mexicans  exclaimed  that  the  place  to  which  Uchilogos  was  to  take  them  was 
lost,  and  mutterings  of  discontent  arose  about  it.  Then  Uchilogos  told  them  in 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         63 

dreams  that  the  events  were  to  have  taken  place  in  just  that  manner  and  that  they 
were  near  the  site  where  they  were  to  have  their  home  and  rest;  that  those  who  had 
muttered  against  him  were  guilty  of  the  sin  of  being  two-faced  and  liars,  and 
in  order  to  be  forgiven  they  would  have  to  construct  a  head  with  two  faces  and 
two  tongues.     After  they  had  made  this  figure  out  of  the  seeds  they  were  accus 
tomed  to  eat,  they  shot  at  it  with  arrows.     Then,  after  blindfolding  the  eyes  of 
those  who  had  shot  at  it  with  arrows,  these  were  to  hunt  for  the  figure,  and  when   \ 
they  found  it  they  were  to  eat  it,  dividing  it  among  the  others.     This  was  accord-    \ 
ingly  done  and  these  people  settled  in  Tatilulco,  which  was  then  a  little  island       -fjr\^>^ 
and  which  today  is  known  under  the  name  of  the  barrio  of  Santiago. 

In  this  first  year  after  the  Mexicans  had  come  to  the  above-mentioned  place, 
Uchilogos  appeared  to  a  person  called  Teunehe  and  told  him  that  in  this  place 
was  to  be  his  home  and  that  the  Mexicans  were  to  wander  no  longer.  He  was 
telling  him  this,  he  continued,  because  011  the  following  day  he  (Teunehe)  was 
to  look  for  a  person  from  Culuacan,  seize  him,  sacrifice  him,  and  offer  him  to 
the  sun,  because  the  people  of  Culuacan  had  treated  the  Mexicans  so  badly.  Then 
Xomemitleut  started  out,  and  capturing  a  person  from  Culuacan  named  Chichil- 
quautli,  they  sacrificed  him  at  sunrise.  They  called  this  town  Quanmixtlitlan  ami 
afterwards  it  was  called  Tenustitan  because  they  encountered  there  a  tuna  grow 
ing  out  of  a  stone,  the  roots  of  the  tuna  emerging  from  that  part  of  the  ground 
where  the  heart  of  Copil  had  been  buried,  as  mentioned  before. 

A 
\ 

Chapter  XX 

The  second  year  after  the  foundation  of  Mexico  the  Mexicans  began  to  lay  the 
foundations  for  a  large  and  augmented  temple  of  Uchilogos.  This  temple  increased 
in  size  constantly,  for  each  of  the  rulers  who  from  that  time  on  held  sway  in 
Mexico  added  to  it  a  wall  as  broad  as  the  preceding  one  erected  by  the  earlier 
inhabitants.  Thus  the  Spaniards  found  a  very  high,  strong,  'and  broad  building. 
grand  to  behold. 

At  that  time  the  Mexicans  had  as  their  ruler  Illancueitl,  a  leading  chieftainess. 
She  was  the  wife  of  Acamapichi,  he  being  from  Culuacan  and  she  from  Coatlixan. 
Although  he  was  from  Culuacan  he  was  descended  from  the  people  of  Mexico, 
for  his  mother  was  a  Mexican  and  had  married  a  chief  from  Culuacan.  After 
marrying,  by  the  advice  of  his  mother  he  went  to  Mexico.  There  they  spoke  to 
him  and  said  that  as  he  was  a  member  of  a  chief's  family  and  as  the  Mexicans 
had  no  ruler,  they  would  take  him  as  their  ruler.  Thus  be  became  their  first 
ruler.  When  his  wife  died,  in  the  twenty-fourth  year  after  the  foundation  of 
Mexico,  he  was  taken  as  their  ruler  (senor).  During  the  life  of  his  wife  he  had 
been  regarded  only  as  their  chief  (principal). 

Three  years  before  this,  in  the  twenty-first  year  after  the  foundation  of  Mexico, 
the  Mexicans  made  \var  upon  the  people  of  Culuacan  and  burnt  their  temple.  The 
following  year,  the  twenty-second  after  the  foundation  of  the  city,  the  people  of 
Culucan,  seeing  that  in  the  twenty-two  years  following  the  foundation  of  their  city 
the  Mexicans  had  greatly  increased  in  power,  fearing  them,  carried  their  gods  to 
Suchimileo  in  a  canoe.  Near  the  town  of  Cuautlecaxctan  the  sun  shone  upon  them 
with  such  splendor  that  it  blinded  them  and  they  did  not  see  anything  until  they 
found  themselves  close  to  Mexico.  When  they  were  aware  of  this  they  placed  their 
gods  in  Mexico  and  erected  there  a  small  temple  a  little  in  front  of  the  place 
where  the  slaughterhouse  now  stands. 

Twenty-eight  years  after  the  foundation  of  the  city,  when  the  fifty-two-year 
period  was  completed,  there  was  a  general  feast.  All  the  fires  in  the  land  were 
extinguished  and  when  this  had  been  done  they  wrent  to  obtain  new  fire  from  the 


64  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.      [Vol.  17 

sierra  of  Estapalapa.     This  feast  was  celebrated  every  fifty-two  years,  whenever 
thirteen  four-year  periods  had  elapsed,  this  making  fifty-two  years. 

Thirty-one    years    after    the    foundation    of    the   city    fire    emerged    from    the 

S  volcano.  In  the  year  forty-seven  the  Mexicans  conquered  Tenayuca  and  burnt 

their  temple  which  was  of  straw.  The  people  of  Tenayuca  were  Chichimecans. 

Fifty-two  years  after  the  foundation  of  the  city  the  people  of  Tatilulco  asked 
Tezuxomutli,  the  ruler  of  Escapuzalco,  to  give  them  a  ruler,  and  he  gave  them 
Teutleuac  as  ruler.  However  his  rule  did  not  last  more  than  forty  days,  for  they 
had  thought  he  was  brave  and  they  found  that  he  was  nothing  of  the  kind. 
Tezuzimmtli  was  a  Mexican  and  had  been  taken  as  ruler  by  the  people  of 
Escapuzalco,  that  is,  as_j)ne_  ofthe  two  they  had  and  that  they  have  always  had 
up  to  the  present  time. 

Cuaquaupuauaque  was  the  second  of  the  rulers  of  Tatilulco  given  them  by  the 
ruler  of  Escapuzalco.  He  ruled  for  forty  days,  after  which  he  fled  from  them. 
He  is  pictured  with  claws  on  his  feet.  Fifty-three  years  after  the  foundation  of 
the  city  Acamapichi  was  made  ruler  of  the  Mexicans.  In  the  year  fifty-seven  the 
Mexicans  made  war  upon  the  people  of  Suchimilco  and  burnt  their  temple,  and  in 
the  year  fifty-nine  Acamapichi  conquered  Mezquique.  Sixty-three  years  after  the 
foundation  of  the  city  forty  Mexican  men  and  women  left  for  Guaximalpan  and 
there  they  were  found  by  the  Otomi  of  Matalcingo  and  treacherously  killed  at 
Cuitralauaca. 

Seventy  years  after  the  foundation  of  the  city  Acamapichi  conquered  Cuitra 
lauaca  and  burnt  the  temple.  Seventy-three  years  after  the  foundation  of  the 
city  their  ruler  Acamapichi  died  and  they  made  Viciliuci,  the  son  of  Acamapichi, 
their  ruler.  In  the  year  seventy-five  Mieiucixiuci,  the  daughter  of  Escoaci  the 
ruler  of  Cuernavaca,  mother  of  Viciliuci,  gave  birth  to  Mutizuma  the  Elder,  who 
was  first  called  Iluicamninazi  and  afterwards  Mutizuma.  Because  his  father  was 
ruler  against  the  wishes  of  many  people  his  son  changed  his  name  to  Mutizuma, 
which  means  the-angry-lord.  In  the  year  seventy-nine  a  sister  of  Viciliuici  married 
Istlisuchilci,  ruler  of  Tezcuco,  and  she  bore  Nezavalcuyuci,  who  became  ruler  of 
Tezcuco.  In  the  year  eighty-one  the  Mexicans  conquered  Cuaximalpan  from  the 
Otomi. 

In  the  eighty-fifth  year  after  the  foundation  of  the  city  the  Mexicans  con 
quered  Capiscla,  and  in  the  same  year  conquered  Cuauximilco  in  the  province  of 
Chalco.  Then  in  the  following  year  they  waged  war  against  the  above-mentioned 
places  (again)  and  in  the  same  year  conquered  them.  In  the  ninetieth  year  after 
the  foundation  (of  the  city)  they  conquered  Tezquiaque.  In  the  year  ninety -two 
the  Mexicans  sent  seven  of  their  principal  men  to  find  out  whether  the  people  of 
Puehitlan  were  at  war  with  them  and  they  passed  through  Xaltocan,  where  three 
were  treacherously  captured  and  slain  while  the  other  four  escaped.  In  the  fol 
lowing  year  they  conquered  the  province  of  Tazcuco  and  they  started  for  Tepepan, 
although  the  ruler  did  not  wish  it  and  when  he  saw  them  he  left  and  went  to  Tez- 
muluco,  a  town  of  Suyocingo.  The  father  (of  the  ruler)  was  dead  and  they  there 
fore  made  peace  with  the  Mexicans. 

In  the  following  year,  the  ninety-fourth,  Viviliucin  died,  and  his  brother,  named 
Chimalpupucaci,  was  selected  as  their  ruler.  In  the  year  ninety-seven  the  people 
of  Tuzcuco  were  brought  to  Chimalpupucaci,  and  in  the  same  year  they  conquered 
/  Tulancingo.  The  Mexicans  had  to  spend  a  whole  year  in  conquering  the  latter 
town.  In  the  year  ninety-nine  the  people  of  Tatilulco  went  to  Tula.  (Many  of 
\  them)  had  been  killed  and  having  left  their  god  behind,  a  god  called  Tlacauepan, 
Vthey  brought  him  to  Tatilulco.  In  the  year  one  hundred  and  five  after  the  founda 
tion  of  Mexico,  Tezozoboc  died.  He  was  ruler  of  Escapuzalco.  Maxtlato,  the  son 


I  • 


1920]       Radin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans 


65 


of  Zozumoc,  had  been  ruler  of  Cuiuacan  during  his  father's  lifetime.     When  his 
father  died  he  became  ruler  of  Escapuzaleo. 

This  ruler  ordered  that  all  should  rise  against  the  Mexicans  and  when  Ximal- 
pupucaci,  ruler  of  Mexico,  saw  that  the  people  were  rising  against  him,  he  killed 
himself,  and  dying,  the  people  of  Mexico  raised  his  brother  called  Izcuaci  to  the 
position  of  ruler. 

When  Tlacateulti,  ruler  of  Tatilulco,  saw  the  great  force  which  the  ruler  of 
Escapuzaleo  had,  he  fled.  However  it  was  of  no  avail,  for  he  was  overtaken  near 
the  bridge  of  Saltoca  and  there  killed.  This  was  done  (it  is  said),  because  the 
ruler  of  Tatilulco  had  previously  had  intercourse  with  the  wife  (of  Maxtlato)  ; 
that  is  why  it  was  ordered  that  he  should  be  killed.  In  the  same  year  Nezagual- 
cuyuci  fled  from  Tezcuco,  for  the  people  of  Tezcuco  rose  against  the  Mexicans..  In 
the  following  year,  one  hundred  and  six  after  the  founding  of~Mexico,  the  people 
of  that  country  were  urged  to  make  war  against  Mexico,  at  the  instigation  of  the 
ruler  of  Escapuzaleo.  But  a  noble  of  Escapuzaleo,  called  Totolayo,  tried  to  make 
peace  with  Mexico  in  the  year  one  hundred  and  eight.  The  Mexicans,  however, 
refused  unless  they  would  agree  to  kill  the  ruler  of  Escapuzaleo.  Realizing  that 
if  they  wanted  peace  they  would  have  to  do  that,  they  planned  his  death  and  this 
was  accomplished. 

(In  the  year  one  hundred  and  nine  Tatilulco  rose  in  revolt)   and  in  the  year 
ohe  hundred  and  twelve  they  gave  themselves  up  to  the  Mexicans.     In  the  next 
year,  one  hundred  and  thirteen,   Cuatlatoaci,   the  ruler   of  Tatilulco,   again  rose 
against  the  Mexicans.     Then  one  night  one  of  their  gods  appeared  to  him  and 
told  him  in  dreams  that  he  had  done  wrong,  and  for  that  reason  he  delivered  j 
himself  up  to  the  Mexicans,  who,  not  desiring  to  kill  him,  turned  him  over  to  his  j 
own  men  for  death  and  they  killed  him. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  seventeen  the  people  of  Mexico  conquered  Guautit- 
lan,  and  in  the  following  year  Ixcoaci  died  and  the  Mexicans  raised  Mutizuma  the 
Elder  to  the  position  of  ruler. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  after  the  foundation  of  the  city  of 
Mexico  the  temple  structure  to  Uchilogos  was  renovated. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  hail  fell  in  Mexico  to  such  a  degree 
that  the  houses  collapsed  and  the  lake  was  frozen  over. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  there  was  an  intense  frost  and  a  famine. 
So  great  was  the  famine  that  in  the  following  year  it  Avas  ordained  that  Avhosoever 
should  take  an  ear  of  corn,  even  if  he  took  it  from  his  own  cornfield,  should  be 
punished  with  death. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  Motezuma  the  Elder  made  a  stone 
Avheel  Avhich  Rodrigo  Gomez  disinterred  from  the  door  of  his  house,  where  it  had 
been  buried.  It  had  a  hole  in  the  middle  and  AA-as  very  large.  To  this  hole  those 
Avho  Avere  captured  in  Avar  Avere  tied  so  that  they  could  only  move  their  arms. 
They  Avere  given  a  shield  and  a  Avooden  sAA'ord,  and  three  men,  one  dressed  in  the 
skin  of  a  tiger,  the  second  in  that  of  a  lion,  and  the  third  in  that  of  an  eagle, 
approached  and  fought  Avith  him  until  they  Avounded  him.  Then  they  took  a  large 
knife  and  cut  out  his  heart.  They  sharpened  their  knives  on  the  stone  beloAV  this 
large  round  wheel.  After  that  the  succeeding  rulers  of  Mexico  constructed  two 
other  stones  and  put  them  one  upon  the  other.  One  of  these  Avas  saved  and  is 
noAV  underneath  the  baptismal  font.  The  other  Avas  burnt  and  broken  when  the 
Spaniards  entered  the  city.  Those  Avho  first  used  this  stone  Avere  the  people  of 
Cuaistrauaca.  • 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  the  Mexicans  conquered  Cuaistrauaca 
and  brought  many  jeAvels  to  Mutezuma.  In  the  year  one  hundred  and  forty-one, 
the  Mexicans  conquered  Vuetlastla. 


•••-  (4. 


| 


66  University  of  California  Publications  in-  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlin.      [Vol.  17 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  forty-seven,  Mutezuma  died  and  his  son  Axaya- 
cacin  was  made  ruler.  In  the  year  one  hundred  and  fifty-one,  Mochuci,  the  ruler 
of  Tatilulco,  gave  himself  up  to  Mexico. 

In  the  following  year  the  people  of  Cuetlasta  rose  in  revolt  because  they  had 
sent  twenty  men  as  a  tribute  (to  Mexico)  and  these  had  been  placed  in  a  box 
full  of  red  pepper  which  was  set  on  fire.  However,  they  were  soon  subjugated 
in  the  year  one  hundred  and  fifty-three. 

In  the  following  year  Axayacaci  made  Citlalcoaci  ruler  of  Malinalco.  In  the 
year  one  hundred  and  fifty-five,  Axayacaei  took  three  men  prisoners  with  his  own 
hand.  He  was  wounded  but  thus  he  conquered  Matalcingo  by  his  own  prowess. 

rln  the  following  year,  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine,  Axayacaci  died  and  his  brother 
Tizzocicaci  was  made  ruler  of  Mexico. 
^  In  the  following  year,  one  hundred  and  sixty,  it  was  decided  to  increase  the 

size'  of  the  temple  to  Uchilobi  and  even  the  children  worked  on  it.  In  the  fol 
lowing  year  they  celebrated  the  feast  of  the  temple  of  Uchilobi  with  the  bloody  sac 
rifice  of  the  people  of  Matalcingo  and  the  people  of  Tlaula  and  many  were  killed. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  sixty-four  Tixcocicaci  died,  and  his  younger 
brother  Auizoci  was  made  ruler  of  Mexico.  In  the  following  year  the  temple  to 
Uchilobi  was  finished  by  Auizoci,  and  he  killed  many  people  in  consecrating  it. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  seventy-six,  the  water  of  the  lagoon  rose  to  such 
a  height,  especially  the  river  of  Cuiuacan,  that  all  the  houses  were  submerged  and 
the  water  actually  came  as  far  as  the  first  wall  of  the  temple  of  Uchilobi.  Those 
houses  made  of  adobe  collapsed.  It  is  said  that  the  water  was  black  and  full  of 
snakes  and  that  this  was  regarded  as  a  miracle. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  eighty,  Auizoci  died,  and  his  brother  Mutezuma, 
the  last  ruler,  became  ruler.  In  the  year  one  hundred  and  eighty-two  Mutezuma 
built  a  temple  to  Quizalcoatla,  where  the  house  of  the  bishop  now  stands,  and  he 
covered  the  roof  with  straw.  In  the  following  year  it  was  struck  by  lightning 
and  burnt.  It  is  said  that  lightning  is  sent  by  Tlaloque,  the  god  of  water.  He 
ereeTed  a  very  large  temple  in  honor  of  Cintelil,  the  son  of  Pieiutetl. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  eighty-four  the  people  of  Mexico  killed  many  of 
the  people  of  Zozola  whom  they  had  captured  in  war.  Placed  as  on  a  cross  between 
two  piece  of  wood  they  were  killed  with  arrows.  This  feast  was  celebrated  every 
year. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  eighty-five  after  the  foundation  of  the  city  of 
Mexico,  the  fifty-two-year  period  was  completed  and  Motezuma  celebrated  the  last 
of  these  feasts. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  eighty-nine  a  figure  appeared  in  the  sky,  arising 
apparently  from  the  volcano  and  then  passing  over  the  city.  It  was  white  and 
twelve  feet  wide.  Motezuma  tried  to  find  out  what  it  was  and  the  wise  men  told 
him  that  it  portended  his  death  in  that  year.  It  is  a  fact  that  this  was  the  very 
year  in  which  the  Christians  were  about  to  come  to  this  country. 

In  the  year  one  hundred  and  ninety-three  the  people  of  Taseala  approached 
those  of  Guaxocingo  and  informed  them  that  they  were  suffering  from  hunger. 
Mutezuma  helped  them  and  brought  some  of  them  to  Mexico,  while  he  placed  some 
(of  his  own  people)  there  for  their  defense.  Then  he  asked  them  for  their  god 
Camastle  and  because  he  had  asked  them  for  their  god,  they  rose  against  them. 
Then  the  Mexicans  came  and  freed  those  they  had  taken  to  the  city.  Then  the 
people  of  Guajocingo  killed  the  women  of  the  Mexican  race  to  whom  they  had 
been  married. 

In  the  following  year  Nezagualpilcitl,  ruler  of  Tezcuco,  died,  and  for  a  year 
Tezcuco  was  without  a  ruler.  Then  they  selected  Cacamaci,  son  of  the  deceased, 
as  their  ruler.  . 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         67 


CODEX  RAMIEEZ42 

An  Account  of  the  Origin  of  the  Indians  who  inhabit  this  New  Spain,  accord 
ing  to  their  Histories. 

The  Indians  of  this  New  Spain,  according  to  the  general  account  of  their  his 
tories,  sprang  from  two  different  peoples;  one  called  Nahuatlaca,  that  is  to  say, 
people-who-explain-themselves-and-speak-distinctly,  in  contradistinction-  to  the  sec 
ond  group  who  led  at  that  time  a  very  savage  and  barbarous  existence  and 
who  lived  by  hunting.  The  Nahuatlacales  gave  them  the  name  of  Chichimecas, 
which  means  hunters;  they  were  a  people  who  supported  themselves  in  this 
above-mentioned  rude  and  wild  manner  and  they  are  also  known  under  the  name 
of  Otomi.  The  first  name  was  given  them  because  they  inhabited  the  most  dan 
gerous  and  inaccessible  places  in  the  mountains,  where  they  lived  like  animals, 
without  any  government,  and  dressed  in  animal  skins.  They  spent  all  their  time 
in  hunting  deer,  hare,  rabbits,  weasels,  moles,  wildcats,  birds,  snakes,  lizards,  rats, 
locusts  and  worms,  upon  which,  together  with  herbs  and  roots,  they  sustained  them 
selves.  They  were  very  skillful  in  the  hunt  and  were  so  interested  in  it  that  for 
the  sake  of  killing  a  snake  or  obtaining  a  grub,  they  would  squat  down,  twisting 
themselves  into  a  knot,  behind  some  bush  in  order  to  waylay  their  prey,  and  during 
this  time  they  would  not  worry  about  their  harvesting  and  cultivating.  They  . 
slept  in  the  mountains  in  caves  and  between  bushes.  The  women  took  part  with 
their  husbands  in  the  latter 's  pursuits,  leaving  their  little  children,  who  Avere 
placed  in  baskets  made  of  rushes  and  supplied  with  plenty  of  milk,  tied  to  the 
branch  of  a  tree,  until  they  returned  from  the  hunt. 

These  people  were  few  in  number  and  so  scattered  that  there  was  little  inter 
course  between  their  various  bands.  They  did  not  know  each  other,  they  had  no 
treaties,  no  chief  who  ruled  over  them,  no  deities,  and  no  rites  of  any  kind.  All 
they  did  was  to  spend  their  time  hunting  without  worrying  about  anything  else, 
each  one  living  for  himself,  as  has  just  been  remarked.  These  Chichimecas  were 
the  aborigines  of  this  country,  who,  because  they  were  few  in  number  and  lived 
on  the  mountain  tops,  left  all  the  valleys  and  the  better  places  unoccupied.  These 
places  were  found  by  the  Nahuatlacas,  coming  from  another  country,  situated  in 
the  north,  where  now  there  has  been  discovered  a  kingdom  called  New  Mexico. 
In  this  country  there  are  two  provinces,  one  called  Aztlan,  that  is  to  say,  the-place- 
of -herons  and  the  other  Teuculhuacan,  that  is  to  say,  the-land-of-those-who-have- 
divine-ancestors.  In  this  latter  district  there  were  seven  caves,  from  which  sallied 
forth  the  seven  chiefs  of  the  Nahuatlaca,  who  populated  this  New  Spain,  accord 
ing  to  the  old  tradition  and  the  picture  writings. 

Now  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  although  it  is  said  that  they  came  from  seven 
caves,  that  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  they  lived  in  them.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  they  had  houses,  and  fields  planted  in  proper  order.  They  had  a  republican 
form  of  government,  their  own  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  their  own  gods.  They 
were  a  people  with  a  marked  sense  for  government  as  one  can  easily  see  by 
glancing  at  the  manners  and  customs  of  those  peoples  living  in  New  Mexico  (at 
the  present  time),  that  being  the  place  from  which  they  originally  came  and  to 
all  of  whose  customs  they  conformed.  In  these  provinces  it  is  the  custom  for  each 
group  of  common  lineage  to  have  its  own  recognized  place  and  village.  They  set 
apart  a  cave,  for  example,  as  the  cave  of  such  or  such  a  group,  of  common  lineage 
or  descent,  just  as  we  say  in  Spain,  the  house  of  the  Velascos,  of  the  Mendoza,  etc. 


42  Translated  from  the  edition  in   Orozco   y   Berra  's   edition   of   Tezozomoc  's 
Cronica  Mexicana,  published  by  Vigil  in  his  Biblioteca  Mexicana  LXIX. 


(>8  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.      [Vol.  17 

They  have  a  picture  of  the  seven  caves  given  in  the  following  form  (in  their 
Atlas)  :43 

The  Nahuatlaca  thus  setting  out  from  the  seven  caves  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
820,  took  more  than  eighty  years  to  come  to  this  country  (Mexico).  The  reason 
(for  its  taking  them  so  long)  to  come  to  this  land  is  that  they  explored  it  and 
looked  for  those  signs  which  their  idol-gods,  at  whose .  persuasion  they  had  left 
their  own  country,  had  bade  them  seek  before  settling  anywhere  (permanently). 
Thus  they  went  on  discovering  good  sites  and  settling  in  them,  planting  and  then 
gathering  the  products  of  the  soil.  As  they  went  on  seeking  out  better  places, 
they  abandoned  those  which  they  had  settled  before,  leaving  behind  only  the  old 
people,  the  sick,  and  the  weary.  They  left  in  those  sites  and  places  which  they  had 
once  inhabited,  many  beautiful  buildings  which  today  are  found  there  in  the 
form  of  ruins,  these  being  the  indications  of  the  road  which  they  had  taken  in 
their  travels.  It  was  on  this  account  that,  they  took  so  long  to  make  a  journey 
that  can  really  be  made  in  a  month.  Finally  they  came  to  this  New  Spain  in  the 
year  902. 

The  seven  tribes  left  the  seven  caves  in  the  following  order :  first  the  Xuchimil- 
cas,  that  is  to  say,  the-people-of-the-flower-plantations,  the  word  being  composed 
of  xuchil,  flower,  and  milli,  plantation,  together  meaning  flower-plantation,  and 
from  this  is  derived  the  name  Xuchimilca,  meaning  possessors-of-flower-plantations. 
The  second  tribe  was  that  of  the  Chalcas,  meaning  people-of-the-mouths  because 
clialli  means  a  hollow  like  a  mouth  and  for  that  reason  we  call  camachalli,  com 
posed  of  camac,  mouth,  and  clialli,  hollow,  the  hollow  of  the  mouth.  From  this 
word  challi  and  the  participle  ca  is  composed  Chalca,  the  entire  word  meaning 
those-who-are-the-possessors-of-the-mouths.  The  third  tribe  was  that  of  the 
Tepanecas,  that  is  to  say,  the  people-of -tile-bridge  or  stone-passageway.  The  name 
of  Tepanohuayan,  meaning  stone  bridge,  is  derived  from  this  word.  It  is  com 
posed  of  tetl,  stone,  and  panohua,  to-wade-in-the-water,  and  the  particle  yan  which 
means  place.  From  these  three  syllables  comes  the  word  Tepanohuayan.  From 
this  name  they  took  the  ' '  tepano ' '  changing  the  o  to  e  and  adding  the  ca,  thus 
giving  Tepaneca. 

The  fourth  tribe  was  that  of  the  (lulhuas,  that  is  to  say,  the-people-of-the-wind- 
ings-or-curves,  because  in  the  country  from  which  they  came  there  was  a  mountain 
with  a  twisted  peak.  The  entire  word  consists  of  coltic,  which  means  a  curved 
object,  and  of  the  particle  liua  which  denotes  possession;  thus  we  get  Culhuas. 

The  fifth  tribe  was  that  of  the  Tlahuicas,  the  name  being  derived  from  tlahuic 
which  means  toward-the-land  and  is  composed  of  the  word  tlalli,  land,  and  the 
participle  huic,  meaning  toward.  Taking  this  name  tlahuic  and  adding  the  parti 
ciple  ca,  they  got  Tlahuica,  the  people-toward-the-land. 

The  sixth  tribe  was  that  of  the  Tlaxcaltecas,  which  means  corn-people,  com 
posed  of  tlaxcalli,  corn,  and  the  particle  tecatl,  together  giving  tlaxcalteca. 

All  these  names  and  titles  of  dignity  are  taken  from  past  events,  some  derived 
from  places,  others  from  leaders,  and  others  again  from  deities,  for  such  was  the 
custom  of  the  Indians  in  giving  themselves  names. 

I  have  stopped  to  explain  their  etymologies  because  farther  on  it  will  be  neces 
sary  to  repeat  these  terms  very  often,  and  because  many  of  the  names  which  are 
to  appear  in  the  course  of  this  account  will  not  have  their  etymologies  given  in 
such  detail.  For  these  reasons  we  shall  let  those  names  we  have  given  suffice  for 
understanding  the  general  type  of  names  and  the  manner  in  which  they  were  im 
posed,  the  number  of  names  being  very  large. 

43  This  and  subsequent  entries  of  the  same  kind  refer  to  the  plates  which  accom 
pany  the  Codex  Ramirez. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         69 

These  aforementioned  six  lineages  did  not  all  set  out  together  nor  all  in  one 
year,  but  some  went  first,  and  others  afterwards,  and  thus  in  succession  they  left 
their  own  countries,  their  lands  or  caves.  The  first  tribe  to  leave  was  that  of  the 
Xuchimilcas,  then  followed  that  of  the  Chalcas,  then  that  of  the  Tepanecas,  then 
that  of  the  Culhuas.  After  them  came  the  Tlahuics  and  then  the  Tlaxcaltecas. 
There  remained  consequently  only  those  of  the  seventh  cave,  the  Mexicanos,  of 
whom  it  is  said  that  they  had  been,  by  divine  guidance,  destined  to  be  the  lords 
of  this  country,  after  extending  their  control  over  all  the  other  six  tribes  mentioned 
above.  These  last  six  tribes  came  to  New  Spain  thirty-tAvo  years  before  the 
Mexicanos  and  were  in  possession  of  the  land  for  sixty-two  years,  the  tribe  of 
Xuehimilco  having  started  from  their  ancestral  home  first.  The  Mexicans,  who 
were  the  last  to  come,  were  in  possession  of  the  land  for  three  hundred  and  one 
years,  reckoning  from  the  time  that  they  came  to  it. 

These  people  now  having  arrived  in  this  country,  the  Xuchimilcos,  who  were 
the  first,  settled  in  a  very  extensive  valley  surrounded  by  mountains,  in  the  midst 
of  whose  steep  sides  there  was  a  large  lagoon  of  salubrious  and  sweet  water,  where, 
at  the  present  time,  stands  the  great  city  of  Mexico.  These  Xuchimileas  settled 
on  the  shores  of  this  lagoon,  towards  the  south,  spreading  without  any  resistance 
through  the  valley  toward  the  mountainside,  over  a  very  large  country  in  which, 
at  present,  stands  the  province  of  that  nation,  with  many  large  towns  and  villages 
and  sites,  the  principal  city  being  Xuehimilco,  that  is  to  say,  the-place-of-the- 
flower-plantations,  the  name  being  derived  from  the  people  who  planted  these 
flowers. 

Not  much  later  the  Chalcas  arrived  and  united  with  the  Xuchimilcas,  and, 
agreeing  upon  the  boundaries  (of  their  respective  lands)  they  lived  there  quietly 
and  peacefully.  The  latter  called  their  province  Chalco  which  means  place-of-the- 
mouths,  because  it  Avas  settled  by  the  Chalcas,  whose  name  has  that  derivation. 

After  them  came  the  Tepanecas,  who  likewise  settled  quietly  and  peacefully 
on  the  shores  of  the  lagoon.  These  took  the  site  that  lies  to  the  west,  and  spread 
so  extensively  over  that  part  of  the  lagoon  and  increased  in  number  to  such  an 
extent  that  they  called  the  capital  of  that  province  Azcaputzalco,  which  means 
ant-hill,  in  reference  to  the  large  number  of  people  living  there.  For  that  reason 
it  came  to  be  the  greatest  and  most  important  of  all  the  six  countries  (of  the 
six  tribes). 

After  them  came  those  who  populated  Ilie  great  province  of  Tet/,cuco.  that  is, 
the  Culhuas.  These  occupied  the  eastern  part  -of  the  lagoon  and  spread  over  the 
country"  to  such  an  extent  that  they  completed  what  was  still  lacking  to  encircle 
the  lagoon  (with  inhabitants).  These  last-mentioned  people  had  a  marked  aptitude 
for  government  and  were  very  courteous,  their  language  being  of  such  perfection 
that  it  might  compete  in  eloquence  with  any  that  exists  in  the  world,  at  least  so 
far  as  their  idioms  and  explanations  (i.e.,  metaphorical  expressions)  are  concerned. 
The  capital  of  their  province  is  called  Tetzcuco,  having  been  given  that  name 
because  an  herb  exists  that  is  called  tetzculll,  and  from  this  word  and  the  particle 
co,  which  means  place,  we  get  Tetzcuco,  meaning  the  place-of-the-herb-£et£?cu?H. 

The  lake  having  been  now  entirely  encircled  by  these  four  divisions  (par- 
cialidades) ,  and  the  boundary  lines  having  been  decided  upon,  some  proceeded 
towards  the  mountain  which  surrounded  the  valley  in  which  the  lagoon  was  sit 
uated.  Then  the  Tlahuicas,  who  were  the  roughest  of  these  six  tribes,  arrived  and, 
finding  the  whole  valley  in  which  the  lago.on  lay  occupied,  even  as  far  as  the 
mountainsides,  they  proceeded  to  the  other  side  of  the  mountain  slopes,  toward  the 
south,  where  they  found  a  large  piece  of  land  entirely  unoccupied.  This  land  was 
hot  because  it  was  enclosed  on  the  north  by  the  mountain  slopes  in  front  of  them, 


70  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

but,  on  this  very  account  (namely,  because  of  the  heat),  the  soil  was  very  fertile 
and  the  country  abounded  in  all  that  was  necessary  for  life. 

So  greatly  did  the  population  increase  that  soon  the  land  was  filled  with  large 
and  numerous  towns,  possessing  sumptuous  buildings,  and  there  were  also  many 
villages  and  hamlets.  The  province  was  called  Tlahuic  because  it  was  settled  by 
Tlahuicas,  the  name  of  the  capital  being  Quauhnahuac,  which  means  place-where- 
the-voice-of-the-eagle-is-heard.  This  province  is  now  called  the  Marquesada. 

Following  them  came  the  Tlaxcaltecas,  and  seeing  that  the  places  around  the 
lagoon  were  occupied,  they  crossed  the  sierra  which  is  called  nevada,  because  it  is 
covered  with  snow  all  the  year  round,  and  came  to  the  other  side  of  the  mountain 
slopes,  to  the  east,  near  where  the  volcano  is  situated  that  lies  between  Mexico  and 
Angeles  (Puebla).  There  these  people  found  very  large  unoccupied  sites,  and 
(soon)  they  spread  out  and  increased  in  number  to  such  an  extent  that  a  person 
would  never  come  to  an  end  if  he  tried  to  enumerate  the  names  of  all  the  towns, 
estancias,  hamlets,  and  villages  that  were  to  be  encountered  there  and  the  cities 
as  sumptuous  in  their  buildings  and  in  everything  as  those  cities  found  in  the 
other  provinces.  They  called  the  capital  of  that  province  Tlaxcallan,  that  is  to 
say  the-land-of-corn,  this  name  being  taken  because  the  Tlaxcaltecans  had  settled 
the  country.  This  is  the  province  that  was  freed  from  paying  tribute  to  the 
Spaniards,  because  their  people  aided  in  the  conquest  of  New  Spain  by  the 
Spaniards. 

At  the  time  that  all  these  peoples  settled  in  the  unoccupied  places,  thejChichi- 
jnecas  who  lived  in  the  mountains,  the  people  to  whom  we  have  referred  as  the 
aborigines  of  this  country,  did  not  show  any  annoyance  and  offered  no  resistance 
to  the  newcomers,  merely  wondering,  and  marvelling,  and  hiding  themselves  in  the 
most  inaccessible  places  of  the  mountains.  The  Chichimecas  who  lived  on  the 
other  side  of  the  sierra  nevada  where  the  Tlaxcaltecans  had  settled,  it  is  claimed, 
were  giants,  and  wished  to  defend  their  land,  but  as  they  were  so  rude  a  people 
it  was  easy  to  deceive  them  and  to  reassure  them  by  feigning  peace.  Then  when 
they  had  been  persuaded  of  the  peaceful  intentions  of  the  newcomers  a  feast  was 
given  in  their  honor  by  the  latter.  Some  Tlaxcaltecans  were  placed  in  concealment 
while  others  stole  the  weapons  of  the  Chichimecans,  consisting  of  sticks  with 
knobs  at  the  ends,  shields,  wooden  spears,  and  arms  of  divers  kinds.  Then,  when 
they  were  entirely  off  their  guard,  the  Tlaxcaltecans,  who  had  been  concealed,  fell 
upon  them  suddenly  and  left  not  a  single  person  alive.  Some  tried  to  defend 
themselves  and,  as  they  could  not  find  their  weapons,  it  is  said  they  tore  off  the 
branches  of  trees  with  as  great  ease  as  if  they  were  pulling  up  radishes  and  pro 
tected  themselves  in  this  way.  Finally  all  were  killed.  As  a  proof  of  these  hap 
penings  may  be  offered  the  numerous  large  bones  of  giants,  found  in  that  part  of 
the  country  up  to  the  present  day. 

After  this  the  Tlaxcaltecans  became  peaceful  and  they  and  the  other  tribes 
lived  tranquilly  and  at  peace  with  one  another,  erecting  cities,  villages,  and  hamlets, 
establishing  boundaries  between  one  another's  possessions  and  lands,  so  that  they 
might  be  recognized  without  there  being  any  disputes.  When  the  Chichimecas 
saw  this,  they  began  to  devise  some  form  of  government,  and,  to  cover  their  bodies 
with  garments,  and  they  became  ashamed  of  the  life  they  had  led  until  then. 
Then  they  began  to  associate  with  the  other  people  (the  newcomers),  losing  the 
fear  which  they  had  previously  had.  After  a  while  they  intermarried  with  them. 
They  began  to  erect  houses  and  straw  huts  where  they  would  all  assemble,  and 
they  adopted  a  form  of  government,  electing  leaders  and  recognizing  them  as  their 
superiors.  In  this  way  they  abandoned  forever  their  former  savage  life  in  the 
mountains  and  came  down  from  the  sierras  which  separated  them  from  the  habita 
tions  of  the  other  peoples. 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         71 

The  Chichimecas  having  adopted  a  form  of  government,  the  land  now  being 
occupied  by  the  six  above-mentioned  tribes,  and  three  hundred  and  two  years 
having  passed  since  they  had  left  their  caves  and  lands,  the  people  of  the  seventh 
cave,  that  is,  the  Mexican  nation,  arrived  in  this  country.  They,  like  the  others, 
came  from  the  countries  of  Aztlan  and  Teuculhuacan  and  they  were  a  very  war 
like  and  brave  people  who  undertook  without  fear  great  deeds  and  actions,  (being 
at  the  same  time)  courteous  and  possessing  a  sense  for  government. 

They  carried  with  them  an  idol  called  HuitzzilopuchtliJ  that  is  to  say,  the-lef  t- 
limb-of-a-bird,  a  bird  to  be  found  there  possessing  rich  plumage  and  out  of  whose 
feathers  they  make  images  and  gorgeous  objects.  The  name  is  composed  of 
huitzili,  the  name  of  the  bird,  and  opochtli,  left-hand,  together  giving  the  name 
huitzilopochtli.  \  They  affirm  that  it  was  this  idol  that  had  commanded  them  to 
leave  their  own  country,  promising  them  that  they  would  be  the  rulers  and  chiefs 
of  all  the  provinces  which  had  been  settled  by  the  other  six  tribes;  of  a  land 
greatly  abounding  in  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  feathers,  and  rich  shawls  and 
every  costly  thing  conceivable. 

Thus  did  the  Mexicans  set  out,  just  as  the  children  of  Israel  had  done,  in  search 
of  the  promised  land,  taking  with  them  their  idol  enclosed  in  an  ark,  made  of 
rushes,  just  as  the  others  had  taken  with  them  their  Ark  of  the  Covenant.  They 
took  along  with  them  four  principal  priests,  who  made  their  laws  and  instructed 
them  in  their  rites  and  ceremonies  and  in  the  most  superstitious,  cruel,  and  bloody 
sacrifices  ever  known,  as  will  be  seen  farther  on  in  this  account,  where  the  sacrifices 

i"\  V  Vr£ 

are  described  in  detail.  Under  no  conditions  did  the  Mexicans  ever  move  an  inch 
without  the  advice  and  command  of  this  idol,  and  never  did  a  demon  exist  who 
conversed  with  his  people  as  much  as  this  one  did.  Thus  in  all  their  customs,  and 
the  cruel  sacrifices  in  which  these  unfortunate  people  indulged,  it  is  quite  clear 
that  they  were  guided  .by  this  same  enemy  of  mankind. 

They  traveled  with  their  ark  wherever  their  idol  bade  them  go,  raising  to  the 
chieftainship  a  man  named  Mexi,  from  whom  is  derived  the  name  Mexicanos,  com 
posed  of  Mexi  and  ca,  thus  giving  Mexica,  the-people-of -Mexico.  They  traveled  in 
the  same  slow  manner  as  the  other  six  nations,  settling  the  country,  sowing  and 
gathering  the  harvest  in  different  parts  of  the  land.  Of  these  travels  there  are 
certain  indications  and  ruins  extant  even  to  the  present  day.  They  encountered 
great  dangers  and  difficulties. 

The  first  thing  they  did  whenever  they  wished  to  stop  at  a  particular  place, 
was  to  erect  a  tabernacle  or  temple  to  their  false  god  for  the  duration  of  the  time 
they  expected  to  stay  there,  and  they  built  this  temple  in  the  middle  of  the 
site  on  which  they  had  established  themselves,  the  ark  being  placed  upon  an 
altar  such  as  is  used  in  a  church,  for  the  idol  wished  to  imitate  our  religion  in 
many  ways,  as  we  shall  afterwards  show. 

The  second  thing  they  did  was  to  sow  corn.  The  seeds  had  indeed  to  depend 
for  their  nourishment  upon  dew  and  storms,  for  to  everything  (connected  with 
agriculture)  they  were  so  indifferent  that  they  harvested  their  crops  only  when 
their  god  ordered  them  to.  Had  not  their  leader  ordered  them  to  gather  their 
crops,  they  would  have  remained  there  and  furnished  sustenance  and  maintenance 
merely  for  the  sick  and  aged,  who,  being  exhausted,  were  always  left  behind 
at  any  place  where  a  temporary  stop  had  to  be  made,  for  it  was  also  their 
purpose  to  populate  the  entire  earth  with  Mexicans.  Such  was  their  main  inten 
tion.  Proceeding  in  this  manner  on  their  journey,  they  finally  came  to  the 
province  of  Michoacan,  which  signifies  the  land-of-those-who-have-fish,  on  account 
of  the  fact  that  there  were  so  many  fish  in  that  place  and  because  many  beautiful 
fresh  lakes  were  found  there.  Being  very  much  satisfied  with  that  place,  the 


72  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.      [Vol.  17 

priests  consulted  their  god  Huitzilopochtli,  feeing  that  if  this  was  not  the  place 
he  had  promised  them,  it  ought  at  least  to  be  populated  by  the  Mexicans.  Their 
idol  answered  them  in  dreams,  saying  that  he  was  pleased-  with  what  they  asked. 
And  so  it  happened  that  after  a  great  many  had  begun  to  bathe  in  a  lake  in  the 
place  named  Pazcuaro — men  as  well  as  women — he  told  those  who  remained  out 
side  to  steal  the  clothes  of  the  bathers  in  such  a  way  that  they  should  not  know 
they  were  being  deserted.  This  they  did  and  the  others  did  not  notice  the  trick 
that  was  being  played  on  them,  in  their  delight  in  the  bathing,  until  they  came  out 
and  found  themselves  deprived  of  their  clothes,  ridiculed  and  forsaken.  They 
were  so  incensed  that  they  entirely  rejected  the  idea  of  proceeding  in  search  of 
the  others,  changed  their  manner  of  dress  and  their  language,  and  thus  became 
different  from  the  Mexican  people  or  tribe. 

The  others  proceeded  with  their  leader,  being  accompanied  by  a  woman  called 
the  sister  of  the  god  Huitzilopochtli.  She  was  so  great  a  sorceress  and  so  evil  a 
woman  that  she  was  very  harmful  to  the  band  (she  was  accompanying),  inspiring 
them  with  fear  by  her  imprecations,  her  irritations,  and  a  thousand  evil  tricks. 
She  tried  to  make  them  adore  her  as  a  goddess.  They  permitted  all  this  because 
she  was  a  sister  of  the  idol.  Not  being  able,  however,  any  longer  to  stand  her 
I  boldness,  the  priests  complained  to  their  god  who  answered  them  in  dreams,  telling 
them  how  angry  he  was  at  his  sister  for  causing  so  much  harm  to  his  people,  that 
he  had  not  given  her  this  power  over  the  wild  animals  to  enable  her  to  take 
vengeance  on  human  beings  and  kill  those  who  annoyed  her,  she  who  had  power 
over  the  snake,  the  scorpion,  the  millepedes,  and  the  poisonous  spider. 44  ln  order, 
therefore,  to  free  them  from  this  affliction,  and  on  account  of  the  great  love  he 
bore  his  people,  he  ordered  that  on  that  very  night,  shortly  after  their  first  sleep 
and  while  she  was  still  slumbering,  they  should  all  leave  her  there  and  secretly  go 
away  with  their  priests  and  leaders,  without  anyone  remaining  who  might  be  able 
to  tell  her  of  the  road  they  had  taken  or  of  the  name  of  their  chief.  Such  was 
his  wish. 

Her  coming  among  them  (the  god  said)  was  not  to  have  been  for  the  purpose 
of  bewitching  them  and  casting  enchantments  over  people  in  order  to  draw  them 
to  her  worship,  but  she  was  to  have  been  a  spur  and  an  encouragement  to  their 
•  hearts  and  arms,  he,  the  god,  thinking  that  in  such  a  manner  he  would  be  able 
to  increase  the  prestige  of  the  Mexicans  and  raise  the  Mexican  nation  to  the 
clouds,  making  them  lords  over  gold  and  silver,  over  all  manner  of  metals,  over 
rich  plumes  of  diverse  colors,  and  over  gems  of  great  price  and  value;  that  then 
they  might  erect  for  themselves  and  in  his  name,  in  the  land  to  which  he  would 
finally  conduct  them,  houses  and  temples,  made  of  emeralds  and  rubies,  for  they 
were  the  lords  of  precious  stones.  They  were  to  become  the  lords  of  the  cocoa  that 
grew  in  this  land,  of  shawls  richly  worked  with  which  they  might  cover  themselves. 
Such  was  their  happy  future.  He  would  put  himself  to  the  trouble  of  bringing 
them  to  this  region  himself,  he  assured  them,  so  that  they  might  there  enjoy  rest 
and  the  reward  for  the  suffering  they  had  endured  until  then;  and  in  this  place 
(to  which  he  would  conduct  them  finally)  they  were  to  remain. 

The  priest  told  this  speech  to  the  people  and  they  were  greatly  consoled  and 
grateful  and  did  what  their  idol  had  requested,  leaving  the  sorceress  behind  them. 
Thus  the  leader  took  his  family  and  went  forward,  and,  guided  by  their  god,  they 
reached  a  placed  called  Tula. 

The  sorceress,  the  sister  of  the  god,  when  she  awoke  and  saw  the  trick  that  had 
been  played  upon  her,  began  to  weep  and  to  complain  to  her  brother  Huitzilopochtli. 
At  last,  not  knowing  to  what  part  of  the  country  the  leader  had  gone,  she  deter- 

44  This  passage  is  somewhat  obscure. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         73 

mined  to  remain  in  that  place  and  she  founded  a  city  called  Malinalco,  it  being 
given  that  name  because  it  was  founded  by  the  sorceress  who  was  named  Malin- 
alxochi.  From  that  name  and  the  particle  co,  is  derived  Malinalco,  meaning  the- 
place-of-Malinalxochi.  The  people  of  that  city  are,  to  the  present  day,  still 
regarded  as  being  powerful  sorcerers,  because  they  are  the  children  of  such  a 
mother. 

This  was  the  second  division  of  the  Mexican  community,  the  first  one  being 
the  one  previously  referred  to  as  having  taken  place  in  Michhuacan,  not  reckoning, 
of  course,  the  sick  and  the  old  and  the  tired  who  were  left  behind  in  the  various 
places  where  temporary  settlements  were  made,  as  we  have  indicated  before. 

The  remainder  of  the  community  with  their  chief  and  their  ark,  arrived  at  the 
town  called  Tula,  quite  diminished  in  numbers  on  account  of  the  divisions  that 
had  taken  place.  There  they  remained  some  time,  replenishing  their  provisions 
and  increasing  their  number,  living  in  a  cerro  called  Cohuatepec,  that  is  to  say, 
the-snake-mountain.  Here,  in  dreams,  their  idol  ordered  his  priests  to  deflect  the 
water  of  a  very  full  river  that  flowed  through  that  region  so  that  it  might  spread 
over  the  whole  valley  and  then  be  brought  to  the  middle  of  the  mountain  on 
which  they  were  living,  for  he  wished  to  show  them  the  appearance  of  the  land 
he  had  promised  them.  They  constructed  the  dyke  and  the  water  spread  out  and 
extended  over  the  whole  valley,  turning  it  into  a  very  beautiful  lagoon  lined  with 
willows,  poplars,  and  sabines.  In  the  lagoon  grew  many  rushes  and  reeds,  and 
on  that  account  the  place  was  called  Tula,  meaning  the-place- of -the -rushes  (junca) 
or  reeds  (espadana) . 

The  place  soon  abounded  in  fish  and  waterfowl,  such  as  ducks,  herons,  gallareta, 
with  which,  together  with  many  other  species  of  birds,  the  entire  lagoon  seemed 
to  be  completely  covered.  And  to  the  present  day  the  lagoon  of  Mexico  abounds 
in  these  animals.  The  place  was  thickly  covered  with  rushes  (carrizales)  and 
marine  flowers,  and  inhabited  by  differently  colored  thrushes,  some  red,  others 
yellow,  which  were  accustomed  to  gather  at  the  place  and  which  harmonized  with 
the  songbirds  in  the  trees,  of  which  there  were  quite  a  number;  all  this  making 
the  place  delightful  and  pleasant,  and  as  such  it  was  painted  in  their  books: 

This  is  the  cerro  of  Tula  called  Cohuatepec,  which  means  cerro-of -snakes 
and  whioh  was  surrounded  by  water  containing  rushes  and  reeds  and  many 
different  kinds  of  highflying  birds  that  could  be  hunted,  and  fish,  etc.  The 
people  who  are  represented  in  the  painting,  near  this  scene,  are  the  original 
inhabitants,  called  Otomies.  The  idol  of  these  people  (the  newcomers)  was 
Huitzilopochtli. 

The  Mexicans,  quite  oblivious  to  what  their  idol  had  told  them,  namely  that 
this  place  was  merely  an  imitation  and  pattern  of  the  land  they  were  to  be  given, 
stayed  in  this  delightful  place  (a  long  time)  and  began  to  feel  that  it  was  quite 
satisfactory,  some  even  saying  that  they  desired  to  stay  there  permanently,  and 
that  this  was  really  the  place  selected  by  their  god  Huitzilopochtli;  that  it  was 
from  that  place  that  they  were  all  to  follow  their  desires,  being  the  rulers  of  the 
four  parts  of  the  world,  etc. 

Their  idol,  seeing  this,  waxed  so  angry  that  he  said  to  the  priests,  "Who  are 
these^s  who  thus  wish  to  transgress  and  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  my  orders  and 
commands?  Are  they  perhaps  greater  than  myself?  Tell  them  that  I  will  take 
vengeance  before  tomorrow  and  that  they  should  not  dare  to  give  advice  about 
matters  which  are  for  me  to  determine.  Let  them  know  that  all  they  have  to  do  is 

45  Word  supplied  from  Duran. 


74  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

to  obey. "  Having  said  this,  those  who  saw  assert  that  the  idol  looked  so  ugly 
and  frightful,  that  all  were  terrified  and  frightened.  On  that  very  night,  it  is 
said,  when  everything  was  quiet,  a  loud  noise  was  heard  in  part  of  the  camp  and 
when  the  people  rushed  there  in  the  morning,  they  found  that  all  those  wlio  had 
spoken  in  favor  of  remaining  in  this  place  were  dead  with  their  breasts  torn  open 
and  their  hearts  torn  out.  In  this  way  it  was  that  they  were  taught  that  most 
cruel  of  sacrifices,  a  custom  they  always  practiced  after  that,  which  consisted  of 
cutting  open  a  man 's  chest  in  order  to  tear  out  his  heart  and  offer  it  to  their  idols. 
""  (The  reason  they  did  that)  they  claimed  was  because  (their  god)  ate  only  hearts. 

Having  thus  punished  them,  Huitzilopochtli  ordered  his  priests  to  tear  down 
the  dykes  and  repairs  they  had  made  when  they  deflected  the  course  of  the  water 
to  form  the  lagoon  and  instructed  them  to  make  the  river  take  its  former  bed. 
This  they  did,  and  the  entire  lagoon  being  thus  emptied  of  wrater  the  place  became 
as  dry  as  it  had  been  before.  When  the  Mexicans,  after  some  time,  saw  how 
sterile  the  place  had  become,  and  realized  also  that  their  god  was  incensed  at 
them,  they  consulted  him,  raised  their  camp,  and  set  out  from  the  neighborhood 
of  Tula  in  the  year  1168  A.D. 

They  continued  marching  toward  the  great  lagoon  of  Mexico  in  the  same  order 
and  manner  as  has  been  noted,  making  occasional  stops  and  sowing  and  gathering 
their  crops  without  encountering  any  opposition  of  importance  on  the  part  of  the 
people  whom  they  met.  Proceeding  always  with  caution  and  prepared  for  all 
eventualities,  they  finally  reached  the  little  hill  called  Chapultepec,  that  is  to  say, 
the-hill-of-the-locusts,  where  they  encountered  great  opposition  as  we  will  soon 
narrate  and  which  they  paint  in  their  pictures  in  the  following  manner : 

The  cerro  of  Chapultepec,  tliat  is  to  say,  the-cerro-of -locusts.     Their  god 
is  called  Huitzilopochtli. 

Having  come  to  the  hill  of  Chapultepec,  which  was  quite  near  the  great  lagoon 
of  Mexico,  they  pitched  their  camp  there,  not  without  some  fear  and  trepidation 
for  they  were  near  the  confines  of  the  Tepanecas,  a  well-known  people,  who  at  that 
time  held  sway  over  all  the  other  nations  and  whose  principal  city  and  court  was 
Azcaputzalco,  Avhich  means  ant-hill,  a  name  given  on  account  of  the  large  number 
of  people  to  be  found  there,  as  we  have  previously  explained. 

As  soon  as  the  Mexicans  came  to  the  place  they  put  up  their  huts,  making  them 
in  the  best  way  they  knew  how,  and  consulted  their  god  as  to  what  they  were  to 
do  next.  He  answered  that  they  were  to  await  eventualities;  that  he  knew  what 
he  was  going  to  do  and  that  he  would  inform  them  at  the  proper  time.  However 
they  Avere  to  remember  this, — that  this  wras  not  the  place  he  had  selected  for  their 
permanent  settlement;  that  they  Avere,  indeed,  near  it,  nearer  in  fact,  than  they 
probably  suspected,  but  that  they  would  first  have  to  encounter  the  resistance  of 
two  nations,  so  that  they  might  thus  strengthen  their  hearts. 

The  Mexicans,  frightened  at  the  answer  of  their  idol,  elected  as  captain  one 
of  their  most  illustrious  men,  one  who  had  come  along  with  them  and  \vho  Avas 
named  Huitzilihuitl,  which  means  the  feather  of  the  bird  which  was  then  and  is 
still  called  huitzitzili.  He  was  elected  because  all  recognized  that  he  Avas  a  man 
of  great  industry,  a  man  of  brave  heart,  and  one  AArho  had  done  much  toAvard 
enabling  them  to  put  themselves  in  a  state  of  defense.  He  Avas  elected  captain- 
general,  and,  all  having  sAvorn  obedience  to  him,  he  commanded  them  to  fortify  the 
boundaries  of  the  hill  by  means  of  some  terraces  called  albarradas,  and  they  built 
on  the  top  of  the  mountain  a  spacious  patio  where  all  might  gather  and  be  pro 
tected.  He  placed  a  sentinel  and  a  guard  there  for  the  day  and  the  night,  and 
these  were  to  watch  and  be  on  guard.  Then  putting  the  women  and  children  in 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         75 

the  middle  of  the  army,  he  began  to  have  arrows  prepared,  as  well  as  wooden 
spears,  slings,  and  other  weapons  necessary  for  war. 

The  Mexicans,  being  surrounded  by  innumerable  peoples  who  none  of  them 
evinced  any  good  will  toward  them,  remained  constantly  on  their  guard  in  their 
misfortune. 

Now  at  that  time  the  sorceress,  the  so-called  sister  of  their  god,  had  given 
birth  to  a  son  named  Copil  and  when  he  was  of  mature  age  his  mother  told  him 
the  injury  which  Pluitzilopochtli  had  done  her,  and  this  caused  Copil  so  much  pain 
and  angered  him  so  greatly  that  he  promised  his  mother  he  would  avenge,  so  far 
as  was  within  his  power,  the  evil  usage  to  which  she  had  been  subjected.  It  was 
about  that  time  that  Copil  heard  that  the  Mexican  army  was  in  the  cerro  of 
Chapultepec,  so  he  began  to  visit  all  the  different  nations  to  instigate  them  to  de 
stroy  and  kill  that  generation  of  Mexicans,  informing  all  the  people  that  they  were 
evil  men,  warlike,  tyrannical  and  possessing  bad  and  perverse  customs,  for  he 
knew  them  well.  Upon  hearing  this,  all  those  people  became  quite  wrought  up 
and  indignant  at  the  Mexicans  and  determined  to  kill  and  destroy  them  all. 

Copil,  having  thus  accomplished  his  object,  ascended  a  little  hill  near  the  lagoon 
of  Mexico  at  a  place  where  there  were  some  hot  springs  and  which  the  Spaniards 
today  call  El  Penol.  From  there  Copil  wished  to  survey  the  result  of  his 
vengeance  and  presumption.  Huitzilopochtli,  however,  exceedingly  wroth  at  all  v 
this,  called  his  priests  and  told  them  all  to  go  to  El  Penol,  where  they  would 
find  the  traitor  Copil,  posted  as  a  sentinel  for  their  destruction,  and  that  they  were 
to  kill  him  and  bring  his  heart  back.  They  did  what  he  had  advised  and  finding 
Copil  off  his  guard  they  killed  him,  tore  out  his  heart,  and  presented  it  to  their 
god,  who  ordered  one  of  the  priests  to  go  into  the  lagoon  and  throw  it  into  the 
middle  of  the  canebrakes  that  were  to  be  found  there.  This  they  did,  and  from 
his  heart,  it  is  claimed,  there  grew  the  nopal  upon  which  the  city  of  Mexico  was 
afterwards  built.  It  is  also  said  that  as  soon  as  Copil  had  been  killed  in  the  place 
called  El  Penol,  there  suddenly  appeared,  in  the  same  place,  the  hot  springs  that 
now  arise  there,  and  that,  for  this  reason,  they  call  it  Acopilco,  which  means 
place-of-the-water-of -Copil. 

Although  Copil,  the  prime  mover  of  these  dissensions,  was  dead  the  Mexicans 
nevertheless  did  not  feel  secure,  because  they  had  now  been  defamed  and  rendered 
odious.  They  were  not  surprised  therefore  when  the  armies  of  the  neighboring 
communities  soon  approached,  fully  armed.  With  them  there  came  even  the  Chal 
cans,  desiring  to  fight  them  at  any  place,  in  the  hope  of  destroying  and  killing  the 
Mexican  nation.  The  women  and  children,  seeing  so  many  enemies,  commenced  to 
shriek  and  to  utter  terrible  cries,  but  this  did  not  dismay  the  Mexicans,  who,  taking 
new  courage,  went  forward  to  fall  on  all  those  of  the  enemy  who  were  near.  At  the 
first  encounter,  Huitzilihuitl,  the  captain-general  of  all  the  Mexicans,  was  cap 
tured.  But  even  this  did  not  dismay  them,  for  calling  upon  their  god  Huitzilo 
pochtli,  they  broke  through  the  army  of  the  Chalcans,  and  taking  in  their  midst 
all  their  women,  children  and  aged,  they  escaped,  fleeing  until  they  reached  a  vil 
lage  called  Atlacuihuayan,  which  they  found  deserted  and  where  they  fortified 
themselves.  ' 

The  Chalcans  and  the  others,  seeing  themselves  dispersed  by  such  a  small  num 
ber  of  people,  did  not  care  to  follow  them,  for  they  were  ashamed,  and  contented 
themselves  with  having  captured  the  chief  of  the  Mexicans  whom  they  killed  in 
the  city  of  the  Culhuas,  called  Culhuacan. 

The  Mexicans  repaired  their  strength  and  replenished  their  arms  in  this  village. 
There  they  invented  a  weapon  like  a  harpoon  which  they  called  atlatl,  and  for 
that  reason  that  place  is  called  Atlacuihuayan,  that  is  to  say,  the  place-where-they- 
adopted-the-weapon-atlatl. 


76  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Having  furnished  themselves  anew  with  these  weapons  they  proceeded  to  march 
toward  the  shore  of  the  lagoon  until  they  came  to  Culhuacan,  where  their  idol 
Huitzilopochtli  spoke  to  his  priests  and  addressed  them  as  follows : 

"Fathers  and  elders,  well  have  I  seen  your  trouble  and  affliction;  but  be  con 
soled,  for  you  are  going  to  show  your  courage  and  your  ability  against  your 
enemies.  Send  your  messengers  to  the  lord  of  Culhuacan  and  without  prayers  or 
compliments  ask  him  to  designate  a  site  and  place  where  you  can  reside  and  rest; 
and  do  not  fear  to  enter  into  his  presence  boldly,  for  I  know  what  I  am  telling 
you  and  I  will  soften  his  heart  so  that  he  will  receive  you.  Take  whatever  site 
he  gives  you,  be  it  good_or  bad  and  settle  in  this  your  country,  until  its  purpose 
shall  have  been  fulfilled  and  everything  shall  have  been  arranged  for  your  comfort 
and  peace. ' ' 

With  confidence  in  their  idol  they  immediately  sent  their  messengers  to  the 
lord  of  Culhuacan.  The  (Mexican)  embassy  told  him  that  they  had  come  to  him 
because  lie  was  very  kind,  with  the  hope  that  not  only  would  he  give  them  a  site 
for  a  city,  but  even  lands  upon  which  they  could  sow  their  crops  and  harvest  them 
so  that  they  might  have  food  for  their  women  and  children.  The  king  of  Cul 
huacan  received  the  messengers  of  Mexico  very  kindly  and  had  them  sit  down, 
treating  them  with  great  consideration,  while  he  discussed  the  matter  with  his 
chiefs  and  councillors,  who  were  so  much  opposed  and  adverse,  that  had  it  not 
been  the  king's  desire  to  favor  the  Mexicans,  under  no  condition  would  they  have 
been  received.  Finally,  however,  after  discussing  the  question  pro  and  con  with 
his  council,  after  many  conflicts,  requests,  and  answers,  they  agreed  upon  a  site 
called  Tizapan,  that  is  to  say,  the  place  of  the  waters.  Nor  was  there  an  absence 
of  malice  011  the  part  of  the  people  of  Culhuacan  (in  giving  them  the  place),  for 
it  was  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain  where  many  vipers,  snakes,  and  poisonous  insects 
abounded  which  had  come  down  (from  the  mountain  above).  The  place  was 
infested  with  them  and  for  that  reason  it  had  not  been  inhabited.  They  gave  the 
Mexicans  this  site,  expecting  that  these  poisonous  animals  would  soon  put  an  end 
to  them. 

When  the  messengers  returned  with  their  answer  to  the  Mexicans,  they  accepted 
the  place  with  good  grace  and  took  possession  of  it.  When  they  began  to  settle 
there  they  found  so  many  insects  that  they  were  in  great  discomfort  and  fear, 
but  their  idol  gave  them  a  remedy  whereby  they  captured  these  animals,  tamed 
them  and  used  them  as  food.  So  it  came  to  pass  that  they  sustained  themselves 
on  snakes  and  vipers,  and  so  savory  were  these  that  in  a  short  time  they  finished 
them. 

Soon  a  goodly  population  grew  in  that  place,  with  temples,  farms,  and  well- 
worked  plantations.  They  were  quite  content  and  increased  greatly  in  population. 
After  many  days,  the  people  of  Culhuacan,  hearing  that  little  by  little  they  had 
consumed  all  of  these  insects,  were  addressed  by  their  king  and  he  said,  ' '  Go  and 
see  how  the  Mexicans  are  getting  along  and  give  those  who  still  remain  my  greet 
ings  and  ask  them  how  they  are  prospering  in  the  place  I  gave  them. ' '  When 
the  messengers  arrived,  they  found  the  Mexicans  quite  happy  and  contented,  with 
their  fields  well-cultivated  and  orderly  arranged,  a  temple  raised  to  their  god  and 
the  people  themselves  in  well-ordered  houses;  the  roasting-pot  and  the  ollas  full 
of  snakes,  some  roasted  and  some  cooked.  The  embassy  of  Culhuacan  delivered 
their  message  from  the  king  and  the  Mexicans  thanked  them  greatly,  telling  the 
members  of  the  embassy  how  satisfied  they  were  and  how  they  appreciated  the 
kindness  the  king  had  done  them.  So  great,  indeed,  was  their  gratitude  to  the 
king  that  they  begged  him  to  vouchsafe  them  two  things:  that  they  should  be 
allowed  to  enter  and  transact  business  in  his  city  and  permission  to  intermarry 
with  his  people. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         77 

The  messengers  returned  to  the  king  with  the  news  of  the  power  and  the  number 
of  the  Mexicans,  telling  him  what  they  had  seen  and  what  the  Mexicans  had 
answered.  The  king  and  his  chiefs  were  full  of  admiration  at  so  marvellous  an 
achievement,  so  unheard  of  a  thing.  They  were  again  assailed  with  fear  of  the 
Mexicans,  the  king  saying  to  his  people,  "Did  I  not  tell  you  that  this  people  was 
greatly  favored  by  their  god?  They  are  an  evil  people  with  evil  designs.  Leave 
them  alone  and  do  them  no  harm,  for  if  we  do  not  anger  them,  they  will  remain 
quiet. ' '  From  that  time  on  the  Mexicans  began  to  enter  Culhuacan  and  to  carry 
on  business  freely,  intermingling  with  them  and  treating  them  as  brothers  and 
relatives. 

Everything  being  at  peace  and  tranquil,  Huitzilopochtli,  the  god  of  the 
Mexicans,  seeing  the  little  profit  that  would  accrue  for  his  intentions  (of  giving 
the  Mexicans  a  permanent  home)  by  such  a  peace,  spoke  as  follows  to  his  elders 
and  priests: 

' '  We  must  seek  a  woman,  one  whom  we  are  going  to  call  the  woman-of -discord, 
and  this  one  is  to  be  called  grandmother  of  the  place  where  we  are  to  go 
and  remain,  for  this  is  not  the  site  where  wre  are  to  make  our  own  habitation. 
That  is  farther  on,  the  place  I  have  promised  you,  and  it  is  necessary  that  a  cause 
should  be  found  for  leaving  this  place,  (some  cause)  like  war  or  murder;  so  (it  is 
about  time)  that  we  should  begin  to  raise  our  weapons,  bows,  arrows,  shields, 
swords,  and  give  the  world  to  understand  the  valor  of  our  people.  Begin  then  to 
prepare  the  things  that  are  necessary  for  your  defense  and  give  your  enemy  a 
cause  to  attack  you,  so  that  we  can  leave  this  place.  To  do  this,  go  immediately 
to  the  king  of  Culhuacan  and  ask  him  to  give  his  daughter  for  my  service,  and 
he  will  immediately  give  her  to  you.  This  will  be  the  woman-of -discord  as  you 
shall  see  hereafter. ' ' 

The  Mexicans,  who  were  always  obedient  to  their  god,  immediately  went  to 
the  king  of  Culhuacan,  and  the  king,  thinking  that  what  the  embassy  proposed  was 
really  a  request  to  make  his  daughter  the  queen  of  the  Mexicans  and  grandmother 
of  their  god,  on  account  of  his  covetousness  agreed  without  difficulty  and  the 
Mexicans  carried  the  girl  off  with  all  possible  honor,  much  to  the  satisfaction 
and  contentment  of  both  parties,  the  Mexicans  and  those  of  Culhuacan,  and  they 
placed  her  on  the  throne.  That  very  night  the  idol  spoke  to  his  elders  and  priests 
and  said  as  follows: 

' '  I  told  you  that  this  woman  would  be  the  cause  of  discord  between  you  and 
the  people  of  Culhuacan.  Now,  so  that  what  I  have  determined  may  be  fulfilled, 
kill  this  girl  and  sacrifice  her  in  my  name,  and  from  this  day  on  I  will  take  her 
as  my  mother.  After  that  flay  her,  and  let  one  of  your  nobles  dress  himself  in 
her  skin,  and  on  top  of  this,  place  the  other  dresses  of  this  girl.  Then  invite  the 
king,  her  father,  to  come  and  worship  the  goddess,  his  daughter,  and  offer  her 
sacrifices." 

All  this  was  accomplished,  and  she  is  the  person  whom  the  Mexicans  afterwards 
took  as  a  goddess  and  who  is  called  in  the  book  of  sacrifices  Toci,  which  means, 
our  grandmother. 

Then  they  immediately  called  the  king,  her  father,  to  come  and  adore  his 
daughter,  as  the  idol  had  commanded.  The  king  accepted  the  invitation,  and, 
joined  by  his  leaders  and  chief,  he  told  them  to  bring  together  many  gifts  and 
presents  to  offer  to  his  daughter  who  was  the  goddess  of  the  Mexicans.  Feeling 
that  this  request  was  quite  justifiable,  they  brought  together  many  and  diverse 
objects  customary  for  offerings  and  sacrifices,  and  with  all  these  objects  they 
started  out  with  the  king  and  finally  came  to  the  settlement  of  the  Mexicans. 


78  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

These  received  them  and  treated  them  as  well  as  they  knew  how  and  thanked 
them  for  having  come.  After  they  had  rested,  the  Mexicans  put  the  Indian  who 
was  dressed  in  the  skin  of  the  king's  daughter  in  the  room  of  the  idol  Huitzilo- 
pochtli  and  then  placing  him  at  one  side,  went  out  to  call  the  king  of  Culhuacan, 
the  father  of  the  maiden,  saying,  ' '  Sire,  you  will  be  glad  to  enter  and  see  our 
god  and  our  goddess,  your  daughter,  and  to  do  them  reverence,  extending  to  them 
your  offerings. ' ' 

f '  The  king,  thinking  it  correct,  rose  and  entered  the  room  of  the  idol  and 
commenced  to  perform  great  ceremonies,  cutting  off  the  heads  of  many  quails 
and  other  birds  that  he  had  brought  to  sacrifice,  placing  before  the  deities  great 
quantities  of  food,  incense,  flowers  and  other  objects  pertaining  to  sacrifices.  As 
the  room  was  very  dark,  he  could  not  see  to  whom  and  before  whom  these  sacrifices 
were  made,  until  taking  a  lamp  in  his  hand,  which  they,  in  their  treachery,  had 
given  him,  he  struck  a  light.  As  the  lamp  began  to  burn  the  flame  lit  up  the 
place  where  the  idol  and  the  skin  of  his  daughter  stood.  As  he  realized  the 
terrible  cruelty  (that  had  been  practiced  on  his  daughter)  he  covered  his  face 
in  horror  and  fright,  dropped  the  lamp  from  his  hand  and  rushed  out,  shouting, 
"Come  here!  Come  here,  vassals  of  mine!  Protest  against  the  terrible  crime 
these  Mexicans  have  committed!  They  have  murdered  my  daughter,  flayed  her 
and  dressed  in  her  skin  a  youth,  whom  they  have  made  me  adore.  Let  such  evil 
men,  of  such  evil  customs,  be  killed  and  utterly  destroyed,  that  DO  trace  or  memory 
of  them  may  remain  on  the  face  of  the  earth!  Let  us  put  an  end  to  them,  my 
vassals !" 

The  Mexicans,  hearing  the  cries  of  the  king  of  Culhuacan  and  the  tumult  which 
he  was  causing  among  his  vassals,  placed  their  hands  on  their  weapons,  and,  having 
by  this  time  become  prudent,  retired,  putting  their  women  and  children  (on  the 
land)  in  the  middle  of  the  lagoon,  whose  waters  they  likewise  used  as  a  defense 
against  their  enemies.  However,  the  people  of  Culhuacan  notified  their  fellows  in 
the  city,  and  they,  well-armed,  sallied  forth  to  attack  the  Mexicans  and  pushed 
the  latter  so  far  into  the  lagoon  that  the  Mexicans  almost  lost  their  footing  in 
the  mud,  and  the  women  and  children  seeing  this,  raised  a  loud  cry.  However,  not 
even  then  did  the  Mexicans  lose  their  courage,  but  taking  heart,  they  commenced 
to  shoot  many  darts,  fashioned  like  harpoons  (atlatls),  against  their  enemies,  and 
this  caused  the  people  of  Culhuacan  such  great  losses  that  they  began  to  retire. 
Thereupon  the  Mexicans  began  to  come  out  of  the  lagoon  and  to  gain  firm  land 


again  and  they  proceeded  to  a  place  on  the  shore  called  Ixtapalapan,  to  recuperate 
From  there  they  went  to  a  place  called  Acatzintitlan  where  a  large  river  enters 
the  lagoon,  a  river  so  deep  that  they  could  not  wade  through  it,  so  that  they  were 
compelled  to  construct  balsas  out  of  the  throwing-sticks,  shields  and  reeds  that 
they  found  there  and  upon  these  the  women  and  children  passed  to  the  other  side 
of  the  river.  Then,  having  taken  the  latter  across,  they  betook  themselves  to  one 
side  of  the  lagoon,  between  some  canebreaks,  reeds,  and  grasses,  where  they  passed 
the  night  in  great  anxiety,  work,  and  trouble,  for  the  Women  and  children  began 
to  wail  and  pleaded  with  them  not  to  let  them  die  there  and  weeping  they  said 
that  they  did  not  wish  to  suffer  any  longer. 

The  god  Huitzilopochtli,  seeing  the  great  anxiety  of  his  people,  spoke  that  very 
night  to  his  priests  and  told  them  to  console  their  people  and  to  give  them 
courage  to  endure  their  suffering,  for  this  was  all  intended  to  make  them  stronger 
and  feel  all  the  more  contented  afterwards  (when  they  came  to  the  end  of  their 
journey).  They  were  to  rest  in  the  place  where  they  were.  The  priests  consoled 
the  people  as  well  as  they  could  and  they  were  somewhat  calmed  by  these  exhorta 
tions,  spending  the  whole  day  drying  their  clothes  and  shields  and  building  a  bath 


1920]       fiadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         79 

called  temazoalli,  which  consists  of  a  narrow  space  with  a  small  oven  at  one  side 
in  which  they-  build  a  fire,  by  the  heat  of  which  the  room  becomes  hotter  than  the 
stone.  This  is  their  method  of  bathing. 

They  prepared  this  bath  in  a  place  called  Mexicalizinco  where  they  were  accus 
tomed  to  bathe  and  amuse  themselves  sometimes.  From  there  they  passed  to  * 
another  place  called  Iztocalco  where  they  stayed  a  few  days  and  which  is  very 
near  the  city  of  Mexico.  From  there  they  went  to  another  place  at  the  entrance 
of  the  city  where  the  hermitage  of  San  Antonio  now  stands.  From  there  they 
entered  a  barrio  where  the  city  called  San  Pablo  stands.  At  this  place  the  wife 
of  one  of  the  leaders  was  delivered  of  a  child,  on  which  account  the  site  is  called 
Mixiuhtlan,  which  means  place-of -birth.  In  this  manner  and  in  this  way  their 
idol  brought  them  nearer  and  .  nearer  to  the  place  where  he  had  decided  they 
should  build  their  great  city,  which  was  very  near  that  location. 

It  so  happened  that  those  there  began  to  look  around  to  see  if  there  was  any 
place  in  that  part  of  the  lagoon  fitted  to  found  and  people  a  city,  because  on  the 
dry  land  there  would  be  no  way  of  establishing  themselves  as  it  was  all  inhabited 
by  their  enemies.  Eunning  about  and  wandering  from  one  place  to  another  among 
the  reeds  and  grasses,  they  found  a  spring  where  they  saw  many  beautiful  things 
which  they  greatly  admired,  all  of  which  their  priests  had  previously  prophesied, 
telling  them  that  this  would  be  the  city  designated  by  their  idol.  The  first  thing 
they  found  at  that  spring  was  a  white  and  very  beautiful  savin  from  the  foot 
of  which  flowed  a  brook.  Soon  they  saw  that  all  the  willows  which  were  around 
what  they  thought  was  the  spring  were  entirely  white  and  without  a  single  green 
leaf,  and  that  all  the  canes  and  reeds  were  white.  Standing  and  looking  at  these 
with  great  attention  there  began  to  come  out  of  the  water  absolutely  white  and 
beautiful  frogs  and  the  water  that  issued  from  two  rocks  was  so  clear  and  limpid 
that  they  were  very  well  satisfied.  The  priests,  remembering  what  their  god  had 
told  them,  began  to  weep  with  joy  and  gladness  and  gave  full  vent  to  their  feelings 
of  pleasure,  saying,  "Now  we  have  found  the  place  which  we  were  promised; 
now  we  have  seen  the  place  of  comfort  and  rest  for  the  weary  Mexican  nation. 
We  have  nothing  else  to  ask.  Be  consoled,  sons  and  brothers,  for  what  our  god 
has  promised  us  we  have  now  found.  However,  be  quiet  and  do  not  say  anything, 
but  let  us  return  to  the  place  where  we  were  staying,  where  we  will  await  what 
our  god  Huitzilopuchtli  commands  us  (to  do)." 

So  they  returned  to  the  place  they  had  left  and  on  the  following  night 
Huitzilopochtli  appeared  in  a  dream  to  one  of  his  ministers  and  said,  ' '  Now  you 
are  satisfied  that  I  have  not  told  you  anything  that  did  not  turn  out  to  be  truth 
ful  and  you  have  seen  the  thing  that  I  promised  you  would  find  in  the  place  where 
I  was  going  to  take  you.  However,  wait,  for  there  is  even  more  for  you  to  see. 
You  will  remember  how  I  commanded  you  to  kill  Copil  the  son  of  the  sorceress  who 
claimed  to  be  my  sister,  and  how  I  ordered  you  to  tear  out  his  heart  and  throw 
it  away  in  the  canes  and  reeds  of  this  lagoon,  which  you  did?  Know  now  that 
the  heart  fell  upon  a  rock  and  from  it  there  sprang  a  nopal  tree  and  this  was 
so  large  and  beautiful  that  an  eagle  built  his  home  in  it  and  there  on  the  treetop 
he  maintained  himself,  eating  the  best  and  finest  birds  to  be  found  there,  and 
there  he  spreads  out  his  large  and  beautiful  wings  and  receives  the  warmth  of 
the  sun  and  the  freshness  of  the  morning.  Go  there  in  the  morning  and  you  will 
find  the  beautiful  eagle  on  the  nopal  tree  and  around  it  you  will  see  a  great  quan 
tity  of  green,  red,  yellow,  and  white  feathers  of  the  elegant  birds  on  which  the 
eagle  sustains  himself.  To  this  place,  where  you  will  find  the  nopal  with  the  eagle 
above  it,  I  have  given  the  name  Tenuchtitlan. "  This  name  the  city  of  Mexico 
has  retained  up  to  the  present  day,  calling  itself  Mexico,  which  means  place-of-the- 


80  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Mexicans,  because  it  was  settled  by  the  Mexicans  and  Tenuchtitlan  on  account 
of  the  situation,  for  tetl  means  stone  and  nochtli,  nopal,  and  from  these  two  is 
composed  tenoclitli,  which  means  nopal  and  the  stone  upon  which  it  grows,  and 
adding  the  particle  tlan,  which  means  place,  we  get  Tenuchtitlan,  which  means 
place-of-the-nopal-upon-the-rock. 

On  the  morning  of  the  following  day  the  priest  had  all  the  people,  old  and 
young,  men,  women,  and  children,  gathered  together,  and  standing  before  them 
he  began  to  tell  them  about  the  revelation  he  had  received,  dwelling  on  the  great 
manifestations  of  regard  and  the  many  acts  of  kindness  they  had  received  day 
after  day  from  their  god.  After  a  long  harangue  he  concluded,  saying,  ( l  The  site 
of  this  nopal  will  be  the  place  of  our  happiness,  peace,  and  rest.  Here  we  will 
increase  in  numbers  and  add  prestige  to  the  name  of  the  Mexican  people.  From 
this  home  of  ours,  shall  be  known  the  force  of  our  valorous  arms  and  courage;46 
our  undaunted  hearts  by  means  of  which  we  shall  conquer  all  the  nations  and 
countries  in  the  world,  subjecting  even  the  remotest  provinces  and  cities,  extend 
ing  our  rule  from  sea  to  sea.  And  we  shall  become  the  rulers  of  gold  and  silver, 
of  jewels  and  precious  stones,  of  rich  feathers  and  shawls,  etc.  From  this  place 
we  are  to  start  to  become  rulers  over  all  these  people,  their  fields,  their  sons  and 
daughters.  Here  shall  they  be  compelled  to  serve  and  pay  tribute  to  us  and 
in  this  place  there  shall  arise  a  famous  city,  the  queen  and  ruler  over  all  the  other 
communities,  where  kings  and  lords  shall  be  received  in  court,  where  all  shall  con 
gregate,  and  a  city  to  which  all  shall  look  up  as  to  a  supreme  court.  For  that 
reason,  my  children,  let  us  walk  between  these  canebrakes,  between  these  reeds 
and  grasses  that  grow  in  the  thicket  of  this  lagoon  and  let  us  seek  for  this  site 
of  the  nopal,  which  undoubtedly  is  to  be  found  here,  since  our  god  has  said  so, 
for  up  to  the  present  all  he  has  told  us  has  come  true." 

After  the  priest  made  this  speech  all  the  people  knelt  and  rendered  thanks 
to  their  god.  Then,  separating  into  different  groups,  they  entered  the  thicket  of 
the  lagoon  and  looked  in  every  place  until  they  came  to  a  brook  which  they  had 
noticed  the  previous  day,  but  which  had  then  contained  water  that  was  clear  and 
limpid.  Now  the  water  that  flowed  from  there  was  quite  reddish,  almost  like 
blood,  and  the  brook  seemed  to  flow  into  two  arroyos,  in  the  second  of  which  the 
water  was  so  blue  and  thick  that  it  inspired  them  with  fear.  Although  they  felt 
that  there  was  something  mysterious  about  it,  nevertheless  they  went  farther, 
looking  for  the  sign  of  the  nopal  and  the  eagle.  Proceeding  in  this  way  they 
finally  came  to  the  site  of  the  nopal  on  top  of  which  was  perched  the  eagle  with 
Avings  spread  out  to  the  rays  of  the  sun,  absorbing  its  heat  and  holding  in  its  claws 
a  gorgeous  bird  that  had  very  precious  and  gleaming  feathers.  When  they  beheld 
this,  they  knelt  down  and  did  reverence  as  to  a  divine  object.  The  eagle  saAV 
them  and  he  also  knelt,  lowering  his  head  in  the  direction  in  which  he  saw  them. 
When  they  noticed  that  the  eagle  was  kneeling  before  them  having  now  seen 
what  they  had  so  earnestly  desired,  they  all  began  to  weep  and  utter  shouts  of 
joy  and  happiness.  Then  as  an  expression  of  gratitude  they  exclaimed,  "How 
have  we  merited  this?  Who  is  it  who  has  made  us  worthy  of  so  much  excellence, 
greatness,  and  grace?  We  have  beheld  that  which  we  so  earnestly  desired  and  we 
have  now  obtained  that  which  we  were  seeking.  We  have  found  our  city,  our 
abode.  Let  us  give  thanks  to  the  lord  of  creation  and  to  our  god  Huitzilopochtli. ' ' 
Then,  desiring  to  rest  for  that  day,  they  marked  off  the  place,  which  they  painted 
in  the  following  manner: 

This  is  the  lagoon  of  Mexico  whose  god  was  the  aforementioned  Ruitzilo- 
poohtli.     This  is  the  coat  of  arms  of  Mexico. 


46  Supplied  from  Duran. 


1920]       Eadln:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans 


81 


Immediately  on  the  following  day  the  priest  spoke  to  all  the  members  of  the 
band :  ' '  My  sons,  you  have  good  cause  to  be  grateful  to  our  lord  for  all  the  good 
he  has  done  you.  Let  us  all  now  go  and  build  in  the  place  of  the  nopal  a  little 
structure  where  our  god  may  rest.  Since  we  cannot,  at  the  present  time,  build 
one  of  stone,  let  us  make  one  of  turf  with  mud  walls  until  we  can  enlarge  it  as 
much  as  lies  within  our  powers. ' ' 

When  they  heard  this  they  went  willingly  to  the  place  of  the  nopal  and 
cutting  out  pieces  of  sod,  as  thick  as  they  possibly  could,  from  among  the 
reeds,  they  made  a  square  plot  near  this  same  nopal  for  the  foundation  of  the 
structure.  In  this  they  built  a  small,  poor  niche,  like  a  shrine,  covered  with  straw 
obtained  from  the  same  lagoon,  not  being  able  to  (get  anything  else),  since  they 
could  not  go  any  further  because  they  were  living  in  a  strange  place  and  on  foreign 
soil,  on  land  lying  within  the  confines  of  Azcaputzalco  and  Tetzcuco,  for  that  was 
the  boundary  line  between  the  two.  They  (the  Mexicans)  were  so  poor,  so  hedged 
in,  and  so  fearful  that  even  this  little  structure  they  had  erected  to  their  god 
(would  be  destroyed)  that  they  built  it  with  great  fear  and  trepidation. 

On  one  occasion  when  they  were  all  assembled  together  in  council,  some  there 
were  who  were  in  favor  of  going,  in  all  humility,  to  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco 
and  to  the  Tepanecans,  who  are  the  people  of  Tacuba  and  Cuyuhuacan,  to  present 
themselves  as  friends,  and  to  express  their  willingness  to  put  themselves  under 
subjection  (to  the  latter  people),  and  then  to  ask  them  for  stone  and  wood  for 
the  building  of  their  city.  However,  the  majority  were  of  the  contrary  opinion, 
for  besides  being  too  degrading,  they  would  be  taking  the  risk  of  being  received 
badly,  of  being  even  abused  and  maltreated,  and  that  a  better  method  would  be 
go  to  the  pueblos  and  cities  around  the  lagoon  on  market  days,  they  and  their  wives 
carrying  fish  and  frogs  and  all  kinds  of  beetles  found  in  the  water,  as  well  as  the 
waterfowl  which  abounded  in  the  lagoon,  (and  selling  these)  they  could  then 
purchase  the  stone  and  the  wood  needed  for  building  their  city.  This  they  could 
then  do  freely  without  recognizing  anyone  as  superior  to  themselves  or  subjecting 
themselves  to  anyone;  since,  after  all,  their  god  had  given  them  this  site. 

This  seemed  to  all  the  best  method  so  they  put  it  into  execution.  Going 
among  the  canebrakes,  the  reeds  and  the  rushes  of  the  lagoon,  they  caught  a 
large  number  of  fish,  frogs,  shrimps,  and  other  crustaceans (?),  capturing  likewise 
many  ducks,  geese,  widgeons,  cormorants  and  other  kinds  of  waterfowl,  and,  wait 
ing  for  the  market  days,  they  sallied  forth  disguised  as  hunters  and  fishermen  and 
bartered  what  they  had  for  wooden  building-blocks,  small  planks,  wood,  lime,  and 
stone.  And  although  the  wood  and  stone  were  small,  nevertheless  they  began  to 
build  the  temple  of  their  god  with  them  as  best  they  could,  covering  it  with  wood 
and  putting  on  the  outside,  above  the  earthen  walls,  a  coating  of  mixed  pebbles 
and  lime;  and  small  and  poor  as  the  structure  was,  it  obtained  in  this  way  a 
certain  splendor  and  elegance.  Soon  they  began  to  lay  out,  step  by  step,  the 
foundation  and  plan  of  the  city-on-the-waters,  sinking  many  stakes  (into  the 
water)  and  filling  the  spaces  between  these  stakes  with  earth  and  stone. 

After  they  had  finished  repairing  their  temple  as  described  above,  and  after 
they  had  filled  a  large  part  of  the  lagoon  with  piles  which  were  to  serve  as  the 
foundations  of  the  city  (to  be  built  upon  them),  Huitzilopochtli  spoke  one  night 
to  one  of  his  priests  and  ministers  in  the  following  manner: 

"Tell  the  Mexican  assemblage  that  their  chiefs  should  divide  them,  according 
to  their  relationship  to  one  another  or  according  to  whether  they  are  friends  or 
allies,  into  four  principal  barrios,  putting  into  the  middle  of  each  barrio  the 
house  they  have  erected  for  my  repose,  and  each  division  (parciaUdad)  should 
erect  one  shrine  in  its  barrio  as  he  sees  fit. ' ' 


82  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

These  are  the  barrios  that  exist  to  the  present  day  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and 
that  are  now  called  San  Pablo,  San  Juan,  Santa  Maria  la  redonda,  and  San  Sebas 
tian. 

After  the  Mexicans  had  divided  themselves  into  these  four  barrios  their  god 
ordered  them  to  distribute  the  gods  he  had  designated  for  them,  and  each  prin 
cipal  barrio  of  the  four  might  name  and  designate  other  special  barrios,  where 
•>  their  gods  were  to  be  reverenced.  Thus  each  of  the  four  principal  barrios  was 
subdivided  into  many  smaller  barrios,  depending  upon  the  number  of  idols  which 
their  god  had  made  them  worship,  and  to  these  they  applied  the  name  capultetes, 
which  means  gods-of-the-barrios.  Although  this  division  was  made  with  the 
consent  of  their  dioceses  (colaciones}  and  idols,  some  of  the  old  men  and  patriarchs, 
feeling  that  they  had  not  been  given  the  honor  they  deserved  in  the  division  of 
the  places,  as  people  aggrieved  mutinied,  and  together  with  their  relatives  and 
friends  went  to  seek  a  new  place.  Wandering  along  the  lagoon  they  finally  found 
an  enclosure  or  terrace  which  they  called  Tlatelolli,  where  they  settled  and  to  which 
they  gave  the  name  Tlatelulco,  which  means  place-of-the-terrace, 

This  was  the  third  division  of  the  Mexican  nation,  for,  as  shown  above,  the 
splitting  off  of  the  people  of  Michoacan  was  the  first,  and  that  of  the  people 
of  Malinalco,  the  descendants  of  the  sorceress,  the  second.  History  tells  us  that 
those  who  made  the  third  division  were  a  restless,  revolutionary,  and  evil-intentioned 
people.  For  that  reason  they  were  very  poor  neighbors  to  have,  for  from  the  day 
they  left  (the  Mexicans)  there  was  no  peace,  nor  did  they  get  along  well  with 
their  brothers,  the  Mexicans.  Even  up  to  the  present  time  there  are  disagree 
ments  and  enmities  between  them. 

When  the  Mexicans  of  the  main  settlement  at  the  nopal  saw  the  boldness  and 
license  of  those  who  had  seceded  to  Tlatelulco,  they  appointed  a  council  and  a 
chief  for  the  protection  of  the  city  and  as  a  guard  for  their  persons,  not  feeling 
secure  (from  the  attack)  of  those  who  had  separated  from  them,  for  these  latter 
were  increasing  in  number  and  spreading  over  the  country,  and  they  feared  that 
they  would  attack  them.  They  also  feared  that  they  would  elect  a  king  (of  their 
own)  and  form  a  separate  state  and  make  attempts  to  obtain  the  leadership.  Now 
since  the  latter  were  rebels  and  had  wicked  intentions,  there  was  little  left  for 
the  Mexicans  to  do  (but  to  protect  themselves).  To  gain  the  ascendancy  over 
them  they  acted  promptly  and  made  the  following  proposals  after  a  consultation. 

"Let  us  elect  a  king  who  shall  hold  sway  both  over  the  Tlatelulcos  and  our 
selves  and  thus  shall  be  prevented  any  annoyances  and  surprises  that  might  other 
wise  follow.  If  not  from  our  midst,  let  us  go  outside  to  Azcaputzalco  (to  select 
one)  which  is  near  and  in  whose  territory  we  are  living,  or  let  him  be  from 
Culhuacan  or  from  the  province  of  Tetzcuco. ' ' 

Then  they  recalled  to  their  minds  the  fact  that  the  Mexicans  were  related 
to  the  people  of  Culhuacan  and  that  they  had,  among  the  latter,  sons  and 
daughters.  The  chiefs  and  the  others  therefore  determined  to  elect  as  king,  a 
youth  name  Acamapichtli,  son  of  a  great  Mexican  leader  and  a  noble  woman,  the 
daughter  of  the  king  of  Culhuacan.  Having  made  their  selection,  they  decided  to 
send  and  petition  the  king  of  Culhuacan,  whose  grandson  Acamapichtli  was.  For 
this  purpose  they  prepared  rich  presents,  and  selecting  two  old  men  who  were 
gifted  as  orators,  they  sent  their  gifts  to  the  king,  whom  their  ambassadors 
addressed  as  follows: 

"Your  majesty,  we  the  Mexicans,  your  servants  and  vassals,  enclosed  and 
confined  among  the  reeds  and  rushes  of  the  lagoon,  alone,  and  deserted  by  all 
peoples,  have  come  to  this  place  because  we  were  so  directed  by  our  god.  This 
place  (where  we  live)  is  within  the  jurisdiction  of  your  kingdom  and  that  of 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         83 

Azcaputzalco  and  Tetzcueo.  Since  this  is  so  (our  presence  among  you),  and 
since  you  have  permitted  us  to  enter  your  realm,  it  would  not  be  right  if  we  did 
not  have  a  chief  and  head,  to  command  us,  correct  us,  guide  us,  and  teach  us  how 
to  live,  as  well  as  how  to  defend  and  protect  ourselves  against  our  enemies.  For 
that  reason  we  have  come  to  you,  knowing  that  among  yo  u  there  are  sons  of  ours 
who  are  also  related  to  you,  sprung  from  both  your  loins  and  our  loins,  from  our 
blood  and  your  blood.  We  have  heard  of  Acamapichtli,  your  grandson  and  our 
own,  and  we  beg  you  to  let  us  have  him  as  our  chief  and  we  will  honor  him  as 
he  deserves  to  be  honored,  for  he  is  of  the  lineage  of  the  Mexican  chiefs  and  of 
the  kings  of  Culhuacan. " 

The  lord  of  Culhuacan,  hearing  the  petition  of  the  Mexicans,  and  also  realizing 
that  he  would  lose  nothing  by  sending  his  grandson  to  reign  in  Mexico,  answered 
them  as  follows : 

' '  Honored  Mexicans,  I  have  heard  your  just  request  and  am  very  well  impressed 
by  it,  for  besides  its  being  an  honor  to  me,  (I  might  rightly  say)  of  what  value 
is  my  grandson  to  me  here?  Take  him  and  carry  him  off  with  you  whenever  it 
suits  you  and  may  he  serve  your  god  and  remain  in  the  country  of  Huitzilopochtli, 
to  rule  and  govern  over  the  subjects  of  him  through  whom  we  live,  the  Lord  of 
the  night  and  day  and  of  the  winds;  he  who  is  the  Lord  of  the  water  and  of  the 
land  on  which  the  Mexicans  live. ' '  Then  he  recalled  to  the  minds  of  the  ambassa 
dors  how  the  daughter  of  the  preceding  king  had  been  flayed  and  said:  "Remem 
ber  this,  that  were  it  a  woman  and  not  a  man  (that  you  ask  for),  under  no 
conditions  would  I  have  given  her  to  you.  However  now  take  my  congratulations 
and  take  him  with  you  and  treat  him  as  he  deserves  to  be  treated,  and  as  becomes 
a  son  and  my  grandson. ' ' 

The  Mexicans,  appreciating  the  king's  liberality,  thanked  him  repeatedly  and 
begged  him  to  give  them  likewise  a  woman  whom  the  king  might  marry  and  of  the 
same  line.  Thus  Acamapichtli  was  married  to  a  very  noble  princess.  Then  they 
led  them  home  with  all  possible  honor,  and  the  Mexican  nation,  men  and  women, 
large  and  small,  came  out  to  receive  their  sovereigns,  whom  they  took  to  the  royal 
rooms  they  then  possessed  which  were  very  poor.  After  Acamapichtli  and  his 
wife  sat  down  on  the  royal  seats,  one  of  the  elders  arose  and  spoke  as  follows: 

"My  son,  our  lord  and  king,  we  are  glad  that  you  have  come  to  this  your 
poor  house  and  city  among  these  reeds  and  rushes,  where  your  poor  fathers, 
grandfathers  and  relatives,  the  Mexicans,  have  done  what  the  lord  of  creation  is 
well  aware  of.  My  lord,  you  have  come  to  be  the  protection,  the  shelter,  and  the 
refuge  of  the  Mexican  nation,  for  you  are  the  image  of  our  god,  Huitzilopochtli, 
through  whom  this  honor  and  your  high  position  have  been  given  you.  You  will 
doubtless  realize  that  we  are  not  in  our  own  country  and  that  what  we  now  possess 
is  not  ours  and  that  we  do  not  know  what  will  be  ours  tomorrow  or  the  day 
after.  You  must  also  remember  that  you  have  not  come  to  take  a  rest  or  to 
enjoy  yourself,  but  to  shoulder  new  troubles,  and  to  take  up  a  heavy  burden  and 
that  you  will  always  have  to  work,  that  you  will,  indeed,  be  the  slave  of  all  this 
multitude  to  whose  fortunes  you  are  now  bound;  and  the  slave  of  all  the  surround 
ing  peoples  whom  you  will  have  to  keep  kindly  disposed  towards  us  and  satisfied, 
for  you  must  know  that  we  are  living  in  their  country  and  their  territory.  For 
all  these  reasons  it  is  difficult  for  me  to  impress  upon  you  how  welcome  you  and 
your  queen  are. ' ' 

In  his  answer  he  (the  king)  thanked  them,  accepted  the  responsibility  of  the 
kingdom,  and  promised  to  defend  it  and  take  care  of  it  and  to  take  into  considera 
tion  all  that  was  necessary  for  the  state.  After  that  they  swore  him  in  as  king 
of  Mexico  and  promised  to  obey  him  and  to  be  subject  to  him,  admitting  him  into 


81  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

the  full  jus  regis.  Thereupon  they  immediately  put  on  his  head  a  royal  crown, 
which  was  somewhat  like  that  of  the  crown  of  the  senoria  of  Venice,  embellished 
as  we  have  painted  it  here. 

Thus  was  elected  the  first  king  of  Mexico,  who,  as  we  have  said  above,  was 
named  Acamapichtli,  which  means,  reed-in-his-hand,  from  acatl,  reed  or  cane,  and 
mapiqui,  to  close  the  palm  of  one's  hand  and  make  a  fist,  together  giving  Acama 
pichtli,  a-handful-of -reeds  or  reeds-in-the-clenched-hand,  just  as  they  say  in  Spanish, 
lances-in-a-clenched-hand.  Others  call  this  first  king  Acamapich,  which  is  the 
same  name.  To  express  the  name  in  hieroglyphs,  they  use  the  sign  of  a  clenched 
hand  with  a  bunch  of  reeds: 

This  is  the  first  king  of  Mexico  called  King  Acamapichtli,  son  of  a 
Mexican  nobleman  and  a  prominent  princess,  daughter  of  the  king  of 
Culhuacan. 

At  the  election  of  Acamapich  those  people  who  had  seceded  and  gone  to  live 
in  Tlaltelulco  were  not  present,  nor  did  they  come  to  take  the  oath  of  obedience, 
and  so  they  remained  without  a  king,  thus  showing  again  that  they  were  rebels  and 
a  people  without  respect  for  anything,  a  people  who  wished  to  live  just  for  them 
selves.  Although  the  Mexican  group  was  very  angry  at  them,  they  dissimulated 
their  anger  at  the  time,  feeling  that  it  would  be  better  to  put  into  force  their 
real  intentions  at  some  later  time,  for  their  real  desire  was  to  destroy  them  again 
and  again  (which  they  did)  as  we  shall  see  later  on. 

Acamapichtli  began  to  reign  in  the  year  thirteen  hundred  and  eighteen  after 
the  birth  of  our  Lord,  Jesus  Christ,  being  at  that  time,  twenty  years  old.  At 
this  period  the  Mexicans  began  to  build  their  city  of  Mexico  and  (gradually)  im 
proved  their  lot  and  gained  some  prestige.  They  were  at  peace  and  increased  in 
numbers,  mingling  in  business  and  social  intercourse  with  the  surrounding  peoples. 
Some  of  the  older  people  who  had  taken  part  in  the  long1  journey  and  the  trip  that 
they  had  made  from  their  old  country  were  still  alive  and  these  people  were 
their  leaders,  holding  the  positions  of  trust  and  honor  and  they  were  looked  up 
to  as  patriarchs  and  as  the  guides  of  the  nation. 

According  to  the  histories,  the  queen  was  sterile,  so  the  nobles  and  the  leaders 
of  the  kingdom  therefore  decided  to  give  the  king  their  daughters  (as  wives). 
These  bore  him  sons,  men  of  great  valor  and  great  courage,  some  of  whom  became 
kings,  while  others  became  captains,  and  others  again,  held  other  high  positions. 
Among  these  sons  of  the  king  there  was  one  called  Izcoatl,  the  child  of  one  of  his 
slaves,  who  afterwards  became  the  king.  He  was  a  man  of  great  generosity  and 
valor  as  we  shall  afterwards  see  in  the  proper  place. 

Everyone  was  quite  satisfied  with  the  reign  of  Acamapich,  with  its  peace  and 
quiet,  and  the  Mexican  nation  began  to  increase  in  numbers  and  to  develop  a  fine 
city. 

When  the  Tepanecas,  whose  capital  was  Azcaputzalco,  where  the  ruler  of  this 
country  lived  and  where  his  court  was  held  and  to  whom  likewise  the  Mexicans 
were  paying  tribute,  saw  this  (the  prosperity  of  the  Mexicans),  they  met  in 
council,  and  the  king,  calling  together  his  vassals  and  the  lords  of  his  court,  said: 
"You  have  doubtless  noticed,  Azcaputzalcans,  how  well  the  Mexicans  are  getting 
along.  After  having  occupied  our  country  they  elected  a  king  and  now  have  a 
head  of  their  own.  What  ought  we  to  do?  That  we  have  put  up  with  one 
evil  (that  of  having  permitted  them  to  come  here),  does  not  mean  that  we  have 
to  put  up  with  another  (namely,  that  of  permitting  them  to  stay).  For  it  may 
happen  that  when  we  are  dead  these  people  will  want  to  subjugate  our  sons  and 
our  descendants,  and  making  themselves  our  lords,  they  may  insist  that  we  are 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         85 

their  vassals  and  that  we  must  pay  tribute  to  them.  Should  they  carry  out  their 
designs,  it  seems  to  me  that  little  by  little  they  will  become  emboldened  and 
haughty  and  place  themselves  at  the  head  (of  all  the  nations).  In  order  to  prevent 
them  from  becoming  too  bold,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  should  go  and  command 
them  to  pay  double  tribute  as  a  sign  of  their  vassalage  and  subjection." 

This  seemed  quite  right  to  the  council  of  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco,  so  putting 
it  into  execution  they  sent  two  messengers  to  Mexico  to  inform  the  king  of  the 
decision  of  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco,  namely  that  the  tribute  they  were  paying 
was  too  small,  and  that  he  wished  it  increased,  for  he  had  often  to  repair  and 
beautify  his  city.  They  were  also  to  bring,  together  with  this  increased  tribute, 
savins  and  willows,  already  full-grown,  to  plant  in  his  city.  They  were  also  to 
construct,  on  the  surface  of  the  lagoon,  a  planted  field,  which  was  to  move  like 
a  balsa  and  in  which  they  were  to  sow  the  seeds  of  the  various  vegetables  they, 
were  accustomed  to  use  for  their  sustenance,  such  as  maize,  chili,  beans,  some 
wild  amaranth  called  huautli,  calabashes,  sage,  etc. 

When  the  Mexicans  heard  this  they  began  to  weep  and  to  give  vent  to  great 
sorrow.  But  that  night  their  god  Huitzilopuchtli  spoke  to  one  of  the  priests  and 
said,  "I  have  seen  the  afflictions  of  the  Mexicans  and  their  tears.  Tell  them  not 
to  be  too  heavy  of  heart,  for  I  will  deliver  them  peacefully  and  safely  from  all 
their  troubles;  and  that  they  should  pay  this  tribute.  Tell  my  son  Acamapdch  to 
be  of  good  heart  and  to  take  the  savins  and  the  willows  which  they  ask  for  and 
to  construct  the  balsa  upon  the  water  and  to  plant  therein  all  kinds  of  vegetables 
and  all  the  things  they  ask  for;  and  (tell  them  finally)  I  will  make  it  easy  and 
simple. ' ' 

When  morning  came  the  priest  of  the  idol  went  to  Acamapich  and  told  him 
of  the  revelation.  This  consoled  the  king  greatly  and  he  commanded  that  no 
delay  should  take  place  in  accepting  the  terms,  namely,  the  additional  payment 
of  tribute,  and  that  they  should  set  to  work  (immediately)  to  fulfill  them.  They 
found  the  savins  and  the  willows  with  ease  and  carrying  them  to  Azcaputzalco, 
they  planted  them  where  the  king  had  commanded.  Then  they  also  constructed 
the  field  that  was  to  be  like  a  moveable  balsa  upon  the  surface  of  the  water  and 
in  it  were  sown  ears  of  corn,  chili,  tomatoes,  wild  amaranth,  beans,  calabashes  and 
many  roses,  all  mature  and  in  season. 

When  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  saw  this  he  marvelled  very  much  and  said  to 
those  of  his  court,  ' '  It  seems  to  me,  brothers,  that  this  is  more  than  human,  for 
when  I  ordered  them  to  do  this  work,  I  regarded  it  as  impossible  of  accomplish 
ment.  So  now  you  know  that  I  did  not  deceive  myself  in  what  I  told  you  (about 
their  being  protected  by  a  god).  Call  these  Mexicans  here,  for  I  wish  you  to 
understand  that  these  people  are  favored  by  their  god  and  for  that  reason  are  ' 
destined  to  rule  over  all  these  nations. ' ' 

Then  they  called  the  Mexicans,  and  the  king  said  to  them  as  follows,  ' '  Brothers, 
it  seems  to  me  that  everything  is  easy  to  you,  that  you  are  very  powerful,  and  for 
that  reason  it  is  my  wish  when  you  bring  the  tribute  which  you  are  supposed 
to  pay,  that  on  the  moveable  plantation  or  balsa,  among  the  vegetables,  you  also 
bring  a  heron  and  a  duck,  each  one  sitting  on  her  eggs  and  that  exactly  on  the 
day  that  they  are  brought  here,  their  young  shall  be  hatched.  Now  this  is  to  be 
done  exactly  (as  I  say)  upon  pain  of  death." 

It  appeared  very  difficult  to  the  Mexicans  to  do  this  and  the  embassy  came 
back  and  told  the  king  of  Mexico  what  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  had  asked. 
When  this  became  known  throughout  the  city,  there  was  great  anxiety  and  anguish. 
However,  the  king  Acamapichtli,  putting  his  trust  in  his  god  Huitzilopuchtli, 
ordered  that  there  be  no  uneasiness  about  the  matter  and  gave  the  people  to 


86  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

understand  that  they  were  not  to  show  any  cowardice  or  sadness,  but  that, 
externally  at  least,  they  were  to  appear  of  good  cheer  in  public,  however  downcast 
they  might  be  inwardly. 

That  night,  desiring  to  console  the  people,  the  idol  spoke  to  one  of  his  oldest 
and  closest  priests  as  follows,  "Father,  do  not  have  any  fear  and  do  not  get 
frightened  at  their  menaces.  Tell  my  son,  the  king,  that  I  know  what  is  proper 
and  what  ought  to  be  done  and  to  let  me  manage  this  matter.  Let  him  do  what 
they  ask  and  order  and  (let  him  remember  that,  some  day)  all  these  things  are 
going  to  be  paid  for  with  the  blood  and  the  lives  of  his  enemies,  and  let  him 
also  realize  that  we  are  going  to  purchase  them  with  these  things  (i.e.  future 
revenge),  and  that  they  are  going  to  be  either  dead  or  our  captives  before  many 
years.  Have  my  sons,  therefore,  bear  (with  patience)  and  submit  (to  the  present 
humiliations)  for  their  time  (to  triumph)  will  soon  come."  The  old  priest  gave 
this  information  to  the  king  and,  on  that  account,  he  and  his  people  were  com 
forted  and  had  great  confidence  in  their  god. 

When  the  time  for  carrying  the  tribute  arrived,  there  appeared  in  the  balsa, 
without  anyone  knowing  how,  a  duck  and  a  heron  hatching  eggs,  and  taking  them 
along  on  their  journey,  they  came  to  Azcaputzalco  where  the  eggs  were  immediately 
hatched.  When  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  saw  this  he  was  all  the  more  astonished, 
for  this  further  confirmed  what  he  had  previously  said  to  his  nobles  and  of  this 
he  thus  again  reminded  them. 

The  Mexicans  continued  to  pay  this  kind  of  tribute  for  fifty  years,  dissimulat 
ing  their  hatred  and  hiding  the  extent  of  their  suffering  until  they  had  increased 
in  population  and  possessed  more  strength.  About  this  time  the  king  Acamapichtli 
died.  He  was  sixty  years  old  and  he  had  reigned  forty  years  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
having  lived  in  peace  and  tranquility  and  leaving  his  city  full  of  houses,  streets, 
and  acequias,  in  short,  with  all  the  accommodations  necessary  for  the  well-being 
of  an  ordered  state.  He  had  been  very  zealous  and  careful  of  its  welfare. 

At  the  time  of  his  death,  he  called  all  his  nobles  together  and  delivered  to  them 
a  long  and  extended  address,  turning  over  to  them  all  the  affairs  of  the  state,  as 
well  as  his  wives  and  sons,  although  he  did  not  designate  any  one  of  the  latter  as 
the  heir  to  his  kingdom.  The  State,  he  said,  should  select  from  among  their  own 
number,  the  person  whom  they  cared  to  have  govern  them,  for  in  this  matter  he 
wished  the  State  to  have  complete  liberty.  This  custom  has  been  retained  ever 
since  among  these  people.  The  sons  of  the  deceased  ruler  do  not  reign  by  inheri 
tance,  but  by  election,  as  will  be  seen  later  on. 

Then  he  died,  leaving  all  his  vassals  exceedingly  sad  and  disconsolate.  They 
made  his  burial  rites  and  obsequies  as  fine  and  solemn  as  they  knew  how,  as  was 
the  case  with  all  their  ceremonies.  However,  at  that  time,  these  ceremonies  were 
not  performed  as  they  are  today,  with  great  profusion  of  wealth  and  the  sacrifice 
of  slaves,  for  then  they  were  very  poor.  In  order  to  avoid  too  much  repetition, 
we  will  postpone  the  account  of  their  method  of  burial  to  some  later  portion  of 
this  work,  where  it  can  be  better  described. 

When  the  obsequies  of  the  dead  king  were  over,  the  Mexicans,  in  order  to  elect 
a  new  king,  had  their  leaders  meet  in  council.  At  this  council,  however,  many  of 
the  common  people  were  also  present.  The  oldest  and  most  honored  man  there 
upon  arose,  and  bringing  up  the  question,  spoke  as  follows: 

"You  are  aware  of  the  fact,  Mexicans,  that  our  king  is  dead.  Who,  is  it  your 
wish,  shall  be  elected  in  his  place?  Who  is  to  be  the  head  of  your  city;  to  rever 
ence  your  aged;  to  reverence  your  widows  and  orphans,  to  be  the  father  of  your 
state,  of  whom  we  are  to  be  as  the  feathers  of  his  wings,  the  eyelashes  of  his 
eyes,  the  hair  of  his  face?  To  whom  do  you  incline  to  give  the  command  of  your 


1920]       Eadln :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         87 

city?  Whom  do  you  wish  to  put  upon  the  royal  throne  of  this  kingdom,  to  defend 
you  and  to  protect  you  from  your  enemies,  for  to  be  brief  and  frank,  according 
to  what  our  god  has  said,  we  shall  need  both  our  hands  and  a  stout  heart.  For 
that  reason  (I  ask),  whom  do  you  regard  as  of  such  valor  that  he  will  strengthen 
our  arms;  fill  our  breasts  with  the  desire  of  liberty;  prevent  us  from  becoming 
cowards,  and  make  us  ready  to  defend  our  city  and  our  persons'?  Whom  do  you 
regard  as  the  one  who  will  not  minimize  or  make  small  the  glory  of  our  god,  but  on 
the  contrary,  being  his  likeness,  will  defend  him  and  spread  his  name  afar,  and 
make  known  to  all  the  world  that  Mexicans  are  valorous  and  that  they  really  have 
the  strength  to  subject  (the  rest  of  the  world),  and  to  make  (the  other  nations) 
their  vassals?" 

Then  the  old  man  put  the  question  to  those  assembled  and  they  all  inclined 
to  the  son  of  the  late  king,  a  man  named  Huitzilihuitl,  and  he  accordingly  became 
king,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  people  of  the  city  who  were  all  congregated 
outside  waiting  for  the  result  of  the  choice.  (When  they  heard  it)  there  arose' 
among  all  these  people,  a  noise  and  shouts  and  exclamations,  (that)  were  equivalent 
to  ' '  Long  live  the  King, ' '  in  our  language. 

After  the  election  the  lords  arranged  everything  and  went  to  where  the  newly 
elected  king  was  staying.  They  took  him  away  from  his  brothers  and  relatives 
and  placing  him  in  their  midst,  carried  him  to  the  throne  and  the  royal  seat, 
where,  after  he  was  seated,  they  placed  the  crown  upon  his  head  and  anointed  his 
entire  body  with  the  ointment  they  were  accustomed  to  use  for  kings  and  which 
is  called  divine  ointment,  for  it  is  the  same  with  which  they  anointed  their  god 
Huitzilopuchtli.  Then  they  put  the  royal  vestments  upon  him  and  one  of  them 
delivered  the  following  speech: 

"Valorous  youth!  King  and  Saviour!  Be  not  frightened!  Do  not  allow  this 
new  office  of  guardian  of  the  state  to  interfere  with  your  rest  or  intimidate  your 
spirit.  This  state  is,  indeed,  placed  upon  sharp  eanebrakes  and  reeds  and  cypress, 
this  state  where  we  live  under  the  protection  of  our  god,  Huitzilopuchtli,  whose 
likeness  you  are.  You  know  well,  indeed,  in  what  dread  we  live,  what  troubles 
we  endure  through  being  on  strange  soil  and  paying  tribute  to  the  people  of 
Azcapotzalco.  Bear  this  in  mind,  not  that  I  think  you  have  forgotten  it,  but 
that  you  may  take  renewed  courage.  Do  not  think  that  you  will  be  able  to  rest 
at  ease  in  the  position  you  have  accepted  for,  on  the  contrary,  you  will  be  com 
pelled  to  labor.  You  see  that  we  have  nothing  to  offer  you,  nothing  with  which 
to  regale  you  except  that  same  poverty  and  misery  over  which  your  father  reigned 
and  which  he  suffered  and  bore  with  such  great  courage  and  equanimity. ' ' 

When  this  speech  was  over  they  all  came  and  did  him  homage,  each  one  greet 
ing  him.  Thus  was  elected  the  second  king  of  Mexico  who  began  to  reign  in  the 
year  1359  A.D.  His  name  was  Huitzilihuitl,  as  above  mentioned,  which  means 
rich-plume,  because  huitzili  means  bird  with  the  richest  plumes  to  be  found  (in 
the  world),  from  the  word  ihuitl,  meaning  plume  and  together  giving  Huitzilihuitl, 
the  plume  of  that  beautiful  bird. 

This  is  the  second  Tcing  of  the  Mexicans,  the  Mng  called  Huitzilihuitl, 
which  means  the  plume  of  that  beautiful  bird. 

This  king  was  a  bachelor  when  he  began  to  reign  and  (the  people)  immediately 
began  to  arrange  for  his  marriage,  thinking  that  this  would  be  a  good  means 
of  lessening  the  heavy  tribute  and  bondage  in  which  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  held 
them.  So  they  decided  to  ask  for  one  of  his  daughters  for  their  king.  Determin 
ing  to  put  this  scheme  into  operation  (immediately)  they  went  to  the  king  of 
Azcapotzalco  with  their  request  which  they  put  to  him  in  the  following  manner: 


88  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

"Your  lordship,  we  have  come  here  to  prostrate  ourselves  before  your  great 
ness  and  with  all  due  humility  to  ask  and  beg  of  you  a  great  favor.  To  whom, 
indeed,  my  lord  should  we  go  if  not  to  you,  since  we  are  your  vassals  and  your 
servants,  to  await  your  royal  commands,  to  pluck  from  your  mouth  the  words 
you  utter,  so  that  we  may  fulfill  all  that  your  heart  desires?  Such  being  the 
case,  my  lord,  you  behold  before  you  the  embassy  of  your  servants,  the  old  lords 
and  sages  of  the  Mexicans,  come  (to  speak  to  you).  They  feel  that  it  is  a  pitiable 
spectable  that  your  servant,  the  king  of  Mexico,  of  those  Mexicans  who  are  con 
strained  to  live  among  the  rteds  and  the  thick  rushes  (of  the  lagoon),  that  he, 
ruling  and  governing  there,  looked  up  to  by  his  vassals,  the  king  Huitzilihuitl, 
should  be  unmarried.  We  beg  that  you  give  him  the  hand  of  one  of  your  jewels, 
one  of  your  beautiful  plumes,  one  of  your  daughters.  She  would  not  be  going  to 
a  strange  land  (if  she  came  to  us),  but  really  to  her  own  country,  and  she  will 
come  to  rule  over  us.  For  that  reason,  my  lord,  we  beg  of  you  not  to  refuse  us 
that  which  we  so  keenly  desire. ' ' 

The  king  listened  very  attentively  to  the  request  of  the  Mexicans.  He  was 
well  disposed  toward  them  and  inclined  to  grant  them  their  prayer,  and  for  that 
reason  he  answered  them  in  a  kind  and  friendly  spirit,  saying,  "Your  words  and 
your  humility  have  so  completely  convinced  me,  O  Mexicans,  that  I  do  not  know 
how  to  answer  you  except  to  tell  you  that  here  are  my  daughters,  all  that  I  have, 
brought  up  by  the  Lord  of  Creation.  I  grant  you  your  request  and  I  would  like 
to  have  you  select  that  one  of  my  daughters  named  Ayauhcihuatl.  Take  her  with 
my  congratulations. ' ; 

The  Mexicans  prostrated  themselves  before  him  and  thanked  the  king  again 
and  again,  and  leading  the  princess,  accompanied  by  many  people  of  Azcaputzalco, 
they  carried  her  to  Mexico  where  she  was  received  with  great  rejoicing  and 
festivity  by  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  They  took  her  to  the  royal  palace 
and  addressed  her  in  long  rhetorical  speeches  of  welcome,  after  which  she  was 
married  to  the  king,  the  ceremonies  generally  used  on  such  occasions  being  per 
formed.  These  consisted  of  the  tying  of  the  shawls  of  both  people  in  a  knot, 
this  being  a  sign  of  marriage,  as  well  as  other  rites  to  be  described  later  on. 

Some  time  after  the  marriage  of  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco 
to  the  king  of  Mexico  a  son  was  born  to  them  and  this  news  was  received  with 
great  joy  and  satisfaction  throughout  the  city  as  well  as  by  the  king  of  Azca 
putzalco,  who  sent  the  name  that  was  to  be  given  to  the  child  as  determined 
by  the  horoscope  cast  by  the  diviners.  The  name  was  Chimalpopoea,  which  means 
smoking-shield.  Together  with  the  giving  of  the  name,  the  entire  courts  of 
Azcaputzalco  and  Tepaneca,  that  is  the  people  of  Tacuba  and  Cuyuhuacan,  came 
(to  Mexico)  bringing  rich  presents  to  the  new  mother  and  taking  to  her  their 
offerings  and  congratulations,  which  they  presented  in  detail.  Both  sides  were 
very  well  satisfied.  The  queen  of  Mexico,  feeling  that  this  was  a  propitious 
occasion  for  ridding  the  Mexican  vassals  (of  her  father)  of  considerable  vexation 
and  for  freeing  them  from  the  paying  of  tributes,  proposed  to  the  latter,  the  king 
of  Azcaputzalco,  that  since  he  now  had  a  Mexican  grandson  and  since  she  was 
queen  of  the  Mexicans,  it  was  not  fair  to  subject  them  to  the  payment  of  so  heavy 
a  tribute.  The  king,  convinced  by  what  his  daughter  begged  of  him,  called 
together  his  council  and  after  discussing  the  matter  for  some  time  it  was  decided 
to  release  the  Mexicans  from  the  payment  of  the  tribute  and  from  their  bondage, 
but  that  as  a  sign  that  they  (the  Mexicans)  still  recognized  the  supremacy  which 
the  Azcaputzalcans  possessed  over  the  entire  land,  the  former  should  be  compelled 
to  give  to  the  latter,  each  year,  iwo  ducks,  some  fish  and  frogs  and  other  cosillas(  ?) 
which  were  easily  obtainable  in  the  lagoon.  The  Mexicans  were  quite  relieved 
and  content  at  this. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         89 

A  few  years  later  the  queen,  their  protector,  died,  leaving  the  child  Chimalpo- 
poca,  then  nine  years  old.  The  entire  city  was  disconsolate  and  sad  at  her  death, 
for  they  feared  that  the  heavy  tributes  and  the  bondage  in  which  they  had  been 
held  by  the  Azcaputzalcans  would  again  be  imposed  upon  them.  However,  they 
were. consoled  by  the  fact  that  she  left  a  son,  Chimalpopoca. 

Their  consolation  was  not  of  long  duration,  for  a  year  after  the  death  of  the 
queen  the  king  Huitzilihuitl,  the  second  king  of  Mexico,  also  died.  He  had  not 
reigned  more  than  thirteen  years  and  he  was  a  young  man  when  he  died,  for  he 
was  only  a  little  more  than  thirty  years  old.  He  had  ruled  and  governed  during  a 
time  of  great  tranquility  and  peace  and  had  been  beloved  by  all.  He  left  the 
state  in  excellent  condition  and  provided  with  new  laws.  He  had  been  jmrtieularlv 
careful  concerning  the  cults  of  the  various  deities.  In  this  matter  the  kings  and 
rulers  espteittlly  Vied  witli  each  other  f"or,  since  they  regarded  themselves  as 
having  been  created  in  the  likeness  of  their  idols,  they  felt  that  whatever  honor 
they  were  bestowing  upon  the  gods,  they  were  bestowing  upon  themselves.  For 
that  reason  they  regarded  as  the  (two)  important  matters,  the  enlargement  of 
their  temples  and  the  liberty  of  their  state. 

To  this  end,  through  the  diligence  and  industry  of  their  king,  the  Mexicans 
not  only  perfected  themselves  in  building  vessels  to  navigate  the  entire  lake,  carry 
ing  their  fish  and  game  to  considerable  distances  and  trading  with  all  the  neigh 
boring  peoples,  thus  filling  their  city  with  provisions,  but  they  all  constructed 
their  barks  and  canoes  so  as  to  make  them  fit  for  naval  warfare,  realizing  that 
after  a  while  it  would  be  necessary  for  them  to  be  well-skilled  and  prepared  for 
war  (on  the  lakes)  ;  for  they  still  kept  before  them  the  ideal  of  liberating  their 
city  by  the  force  of  arms. 

With  this  object  in  view  they  made  great  efforts  to  gain  the  good  will  of  their 
neighbors,  with  whom  they  always  acted  in  concert,  so  that  their  city  was  filled 
with  the  peoples  living  in  the  vicinity.  They  attracted  these  other  nations  and 
became  related  to  them  through  marriage,  doing  all  this  for  the  purpose  of 
augmenting  the  importance  of  their  city  so  that  they  might,  (at  some  future  time) 
accomplish  their  purpose  (of  freeing  themselves).  Such  was  the  state  of  Mexico 
with  respect  to  its  relation  to  its  neighbors  at  the  death  of  Huitzilihuitl.  As 
mentioned  above,  he  left  his  people  sad  and  disconsolate,  for  he  had  been  beloved 
by  all.  His  obsequies  were  performed  in  the  very  solemn  manner  to  which  the 
Mexicans  were  accustomed. 

While  still  mourning  for  their  late  king,  the  Mexicans  assembled  to  consult 
about  the  election  of  a  new  king.  They  were  still  lamenting  the  fact  that  a  king 
like  Huitzilihuitl,  who  had  possessed  so  strong  a  desire  and  inclination  to  free 
the  city  and  to  augment  it,  had  had  so  short  a  reign.  He  had  desired  to  procure 
heritable  lands  and  plantations  for  the  sustenance  of  the  state,  for  he  was  keenly 
aware  of  the  fact  that  (under  the  circumstances)  provisions  ivould  always  have 
to  be  brought  to  them  from  outside,  since  they  were  living  in  a  lagoon  and 
consequently  could  not  cultivate  a  single  field,  and  that  it  was  in  the  power  of  their 
neighbors  to  attack  the  road  (on  which  provisions  were  brought)  and  prevent 
them  from  entering.  (He  realized  that)  it  was  within  the  power  of  the  enemy 
to  command  their  vassals  not  to  sell  the  Mexicans  any  maize  or  beans  or  other 
foods  upon  which  they  lived.  They  were  consequently  always  in  a  state  of  worry 
and  anxiety. 

The  Mexicans  finally  came  to  a  decision  as  to  what  sort  of  a  person  was  to 
be  elected  as  ruler.  He  was  to  be  one  who  would  adhere  to  the  principles  and 
desires  of  the  previous  king  and  one  who  would  not  only  protect  the  city  but  also 
obtain  their  liberty  for  them,  since  they  felt  that  they  now  had  the  strength 
to  arm  themselves  if  necessary  and  that  all  that  was  lacking  was  an  inspiring 


90  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

person  to  lead  them.  After  a  long  discussion  they  decided  to  name  the  son  of 
Huitzilihuitl,  Chimalpopoca,  who  was  then  only  ten  years  old.  This  they  did 
in  order  to  make  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco,  whose  grandson  Chimalpopoca  was, 
propitious  and  to  make  him  well-intentioned  so  that  then  they  could  accomplish 
their  purpose  later  on,  as  will  be  shown  in  its  proper  place. 

Third  king   of  Mexico  called  CMmalpopoca,  grandson  of  the  Icing   of 
Azcaputzalco. 

Chimalpopoca  having  been  elected  with  the  general  consent  of  all  the  Mexicans, 
to  the  great  joy  of  the  city,  they  put  the  child  on  the  royal  throne  and  anointed 
him  with  the  divine  ointment,  placed  the  crown  upon  him,  a  shield  in  his  left 
hand  and  a  sword  with  blades,  according  to  their  custom,  in  the  other,  and  they 
gave  him  a  weapon  like  the  one  (possessed  by)  the  deity  whom  they  wished  him 
to  represent,  this  symbolizing  that  he  promised  to  protect  the  city  and  even  to 
die  in  its  defense.  Thus  armed,  they  elected  him  king,  because  the  Mexicans 
\vere  now  prepared  to  free  themselves  by  the  force  of  arms  (from  their  bondage), 
and  this  they  did  as  we  shall  soon  see. 

After  Chimalpopoca  had  reigned  for  a  few  years,  greatly  beloved  by  his  grand 
father  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco,  the  Mexicans  got  into  the  habit  of  going  to 
Azcaputzalco  frequently  and  they  became  quite  familiar  figures  there.  Then  the 
lords  of  Mexico  persuaded  their  king,  since  he  was  so  greatly  beloved  by  his 
grandfather,  that  he  should  send  someone  to  ask  for  water  from  Chapultepec,  a 
mountain  mentioned  further  back,  for  the  water  of  the  lagoon  could  not  be 
used  for  drinking  water.  Chimalpopoca  sent  messengers  to  his  grandfather  the 
King  of  Azcaputzalco,  who,  feeling  that  nothing  would  be  lost  by  this  move, 
and  that  it  would  be  no  detriment  to  his  state — for  they  were  making  no  use 
of  it — gave  them  permission  to  use  it,  after  having  obtained  the  consent  of 
his  people. 

The  Mexicans,  very  happy  and  satisfied  at  obtaining  this  water,  began  care 
fully  and  quickly  to  clear  the  lagoon  of  grass  and  by  means  of  stakes  and  reeds 
and  other  materials  had  the  water  brought  to  Mexico  in  a  short  time,  although  it 
necessitated  considerable  labor,  because  pipes  had  to  be  sunk  in  the  lagoon.  On 
account  of  the  force  of  the  water  which  came  down  the  pipes,  which  were 
merely  made  of  mud,  broke  and  were  smashed  into  many  pieces.  On  this  occasion 
the  Mexicans  decided  to  provoke  the  enmity  of  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco,  for 
they  wished  to  break  with  them  entirely  so  that  they  might  finally  obtain  the 
liberty  they  so  greatly  desired. 

Accordingly,  they  decided  to  send  messengers  to  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  and 
inform  him  that  his  grandson  and  the  other  Mexicans  were  not  able  to  enjoy 
the  water  which  he  had  given  them,  because  the  pipes  which  they  had  constructed 
for  carrying  it,  being  merely  of  mud,  had  broken.  They,  therefore,  asked  him 
to  do  them  the  favor  of  giving  them  wood,  stone,  lime,  and  stakes,  and  also  to 
send  his  vassals  to  aid  them  in  making  a  new  pipe  of  lime  and  stone. 

The  king  and  his  court  at  first  hardly  understood  the  embassy,  for  it  seemed 
to  them  a  rather  impertinent  and  daring  thing  for  the  Mexicans  to  make  such 
a  proposition  to  Azcaputzalco,  for  the  latter  was  the  greatest  power  recognized 
by  the  whole  world.  Although  the  king  wished  to  dissimulate,  on  account  of 
the  love  he  bore  his  grandson,  his  court  became  so  enraged  that,  taking  great 
liberties,  they  spoke  to  him  as  follows,  "Lord  and  Euler,  what  are  your  grand 
son  and  those  of  his  council  thinking  of?  Do  they  think  that  we  are  going  to 
be  their  vassals  and  servants?  Was  it  not  enough  that  we  took  them  here, 
admitted  them  to  our  land,  consented  to  their  founding  and  inhabiting  a  city 


1920]       Sadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         91 

and  gave  them  the  water  for  which  they  asked?  And  now,  being  without  a  sense 
of  shame  or  of  respect  for  your  royal  crown,  do  they  ask  that  we,  you,  and  all 
of  us,  should  serve  them  and  build  the  aqueduct  for  conveying  their  water?  It 
is  not  our  desire  nor  do  we  wish  to  lose  our  lives  about  this  matter,  yet  we  must 
see  who  these  are  who  dare  to  act  with  such  presumption,  so  shamelessly,  and 
with  such  daring. ' ' 

Having  said  this,  they  left  the  presence  of  the  king  and  took  council  among 
themselves,  and  finding  that  the  rulers  of  Tacuba  and  Coyuhuacan  who  were  of 
the  Tepanecan  nation  likewise  had  little  affection  for  the  Mexicans,  they  decided 
not  only  to  refuse  their  request  but  to  go  immediately  and  stop  the  water  which 
they  had  given  them;  and  since  the  Mexicans  were  such  impertinent  people,  to 
destroy  and  make  an  end  of  them,  so  that  not  a  man  should  remain  alive  nor  any 
indication  be  left  of  the  placed  called  Mexico. 

Having  come  to  this  decision  they  began  to  incite  the  people  of  their  city 
to  anger  in  order  to  arouse  their  indignation  and  to  induce  them  to  arm  them 
selves  against  the  Mexicans,  saying  that  the  latter  wished  to  enslave  them  and 
reduce  them  to  servitude  and  make  them  pay  tribute.  In  order  to  make  even 
more  manifest  their  anger,  and  to  show  that  war  must  take  place,  they  ordered 
that  no  one  in  the  city  should  treat  or  trade  with  the  Mexicans,  nor  give  them 
supplies  or  other  merchandise  upon  pain  of  death;  and  to  enforce  this  law  they 
placed  guards  on  all  the  roads  so  that  no  one  from  the  city  of  Mexico  could 
enter  Azcaputzalco,  nor  anyone  from  Azcaputzalco  enter  Mexico.  They  for 
bade  at  the  same  time  all  access  to  the  mountain,  which  until  then  had  been 
free,  and  finally  they  forbade  all  trade  and  commerce  with  the  Tepanecans. 

The  king  of  Azcaputzalco,  seeing  his  people  thus  wrought  up,  and  so  bent 
upon  making  war  with  Mexicans  and  upon  killing  them  all,  although  he  was 
quite  disturbed,  realizing  that  it  was  impossible  to  stop  them,  begged  his  vassals 
before  giving  vent  to  their  anger  to  kidnap  his  grandson,  the  king  of  Mexico, 
so  that  he  might  not  suffer  with  the  rest.  Some  agreed  to  this  proposal,  but 
the  older  people  claimed  that  it  should  not  be  done,  for,  although  he  came  from 
the  caste  of  the  Tepanecans  and,  for  that  reason,  was  related  through  his  mother 
to  them,  he  was  on  his  father's  side  the  son  of  a  Mexican  and  would  conse 
quently  always  be  more  favorably  inclined  towards  them.  For  that  reason,  it 
seemed  to  them  that  the  first  thing  they  should  try  to  do  was  to  kill  the 
king  of  Mexico.  This  so  worried  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  that  he  soon  there 
after  fell  sick  and  died.  Upon  his  death  the  Tepanecans  were  confirmed  even 
more  in  their  proposal,  and  they  decided  among  themselves  to  kill  the  king, 
Chimalpopoca,  because  of  the  great  harm  they  would  thereby  inflict  upon  the 
Mexicans.  In  order  to  do  this  and  thus  intensify  even  more  the  enmity  between 
the  two  peoples,  they  very  traitorously  set  forth,  one  night  when  all  was  quiet, 
entered  the  royal  palace  of  Mexico,  the  guards  being  unsuspicious  and  asleep,  vK^- 
and  taking  the  unsuspecting  king,  killed  him.  Then,  after  the  crime,  they 
returned  without  being  noticed.  When  the  Mexicans,  on  the  following  morning 
went  to  greet  their  king,  as  was  their  custom,  they  found  him  dead  and  his 
body  covered  with  deep  wounds.  The  Mexicans  were  so  wrought  up  and  so 
grief -stricken,  upon  the  discovery  of  this  murder,  that,  blind  with  anger,  they 
all  immediately  seized  their  arms  to  avenge  their  king.  However,  they  were 
appeased  and  placated  by  a  man  who  spoke  to  them  as  follows: 

"Be  calm,  and  quiet  your  hearts,  O  Mexicans;  remember  that  things  done 
without  preparation  are  never  done  well.  Eepress  your  grief,  for,  although  your 
king  is  dead,  that  does  not  mean  that  all  those  of  the  generation  and  lineage 
of  the  great  lords  are  dead.  There  are  sons  of  your  late  king  who  may  succeed 


92  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

him  in  the  government  of  our  state,  and  under  whose  protection  you  may 
perhaps  become  even  greater  than  you  now  are.  Indeed,  whoever  may  be  your 
leader  or  whoever  may  be  your  chief,  even  though  he  guide  you  in  your  deter 
mination  (to  avenge  the  death  of  the  king),  do  not  proceed  too  blindly.  Ee- 
strain  your  valiant  hearts  and  first  elect  a  king  and  lord  to  guide  you  and  give 
you  strength,  to  give  you  new  courage  and  to  be  a  bulwark  against  your  enemies. 
While  you  are  doing  this,  hide  your  feelings  carefully,  and  perform  the  obsequies 
of  your  late  lord  and  king,  so  that  you  may  then  await  a  better  opportunity  and 
a  better  occasion  to  take  your  revenge. ' ' 

The  Mexicans,  calmed  by  these  words,  disguised  their  feelings  and  performed 
the  obsequies  and  funeral  rites  for  their  king  according  to  their  use  and  custom. 
They  invited  all  the  people  of  Tezcuco  and  Culhuacan  to  whom  they  related  the 
wickedness  and  treachery  with  which  the  Tepanecans  had  treated  their  king. 
This  was  condemned  by  these  people  to  whom  it  seemed  indeed  a  dastardly 
crime.  Finally,  after  a  number  of  conversations,  the  Mexicans  said  to  these 
lords,  that  they  had  invited  them  there  in  order  to  beg  them  to  remain  neutral 
(in  case  of  war),  and  not  become  their  enemies  or  aid  the  Tepanecans.  They, 
the  Mexicans,  desired  the  favor  and  aid  of  none  but  their  god,  the  lord  of 
creation,  and  the  valor  of  their  arms  and  their  own  courage,  for  they  had  de 
cided  to  avenge  this  insult  or  die,  and  to  destroy  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco 
utterly. 

The  neighboring  lords  promised  that  they  would  do  nothing  inimical  to  the 
Mexicans  nor  aid  or  favor  any  scheme  against  them;  and  that,  since  the  people 
of  Azcaputzalco  had  closed  the  road,  thus  preventing  all  trade  and  traffic  in  the 
city  and  the  mountains  and  on  the  water,  they  would  throw  open  their  city  to 
the  Mexicans  for  the  entire  duration  of  the  war,  so  that  their  women  and 
children  might  go  and  travel  over  the  water  and  the  land  and  provision  the  city 
with  all  necessary  food. 

The  Mexicans  thanked  them  greatly,  and  then,  with  great  show  of  humility, 
begged  them  to  remain  for  the  election  of  their  new  king  and  the  latter,  acced 
ing  to  their  request,  remained. 

The  Mexicans  immediately  called  a  meeting  and  council  to  elect  a  new  king 
and  one  of  the  oldest  men  arose  and  began  the  oration  customary  at  such 
elections.  Now  among  these  people  there  are  always  great  orators  and  rhetori 
cians,  and  on  every  occasion  and  meeting  they  deliver  long  speeches  full  of 
eloquence,  with  the  most  delicate  metaphors,  and  with  many  great  and  profound 
thoughts.  At  least,  those  who  understand  this  language  claim  and  affirm  this. 
In  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  takes  many  years  to  learn  these  orations  carefully 
they  yet  always  find  new  things  to  add.  The  style  and  language  used  in  the 
oration  by  the  old  man  on  this  occasion  was  truly  excellent,  but  this  is  also  true 
of  some  of  the  orations  which  will  be  found  later  on,  as  we  shall  be  able  to 
determine  for  ourselves. 

The  old  orator  began  his  oration  before  all  the  people  present  as  follows: 
"It  is  true,  O  Mexicans,  that  you  have  been  deprived  of  the  light  of  your  eyes, 
but  not  of  the  light  of  your  hearts,  and  although  you  have  lost  him  who  was 
the  light  and  the  guide  of  this  Mexican  state,  remember  that  if  one  person  has 
been  killed,  there  still  remain  others  who  can  fill  most  advantageously  the  gap 
that  he  has  left.  The  nobility  of  Mexico  has  not  come  to  an  end,  nor  has  the 
royal  blood  been  annihilated.  Turn  your  eyes  and  look  around  you  and  see 
whether,  among  the  Mexican  nobility  ranged  about  you,  there  be  not  one  or 
two  or  even  many,  and  most  excellent,  princes,  sons  of  Acamapichtli,  our  own 
true  lord.  From  among  them  do  you  select  at  your  discretion  and  be  frank 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Anoient  Mexicans         93 

with  yourselves  saying,  'This  one  I  want,  That  one  I  do  not;'  and  if  you  lose 
a  father,  you  may  still  be  able  to  find  his  parents.  Eemember,  O  Mexicans, 
that  for  a  brief  time  your  sun  was  eclipsed  and  Mexico  was  darkened  by  the 
death  of  its  king.  But  now  it  is  time  for  the  sun  to  come  out  again,  and  there 
fore  do  you  elect  another  king.  Look  where  you  cast  your  eyes,  toward  whom 
your  heart  inclines,  after  whom  it  hankers,  and  that  one  will  be  the  person  your 
god,  Huitzilopuchtli,  selects. ' '  Continuing  thus  further,  he  concluded  to  the 
great  satisfaction  and  delight  of  all. 

The  result  of  the  vote  was  the  election  of  Itzcohuatl  as  king  of  Mexico,  the 
name  meaning  knife-snake.  As  we  have  said  before,  he  was  the  natural  son 
of  King  Acamapichtli  by  one  of  his  slaves.  Although  not  legitimate,  he  was 
elected  king  on  account  of  his  character,  his  valor,  and  his  strength,  surpassing 
all  the  others.  Everyone  was  satisfied  and  overjoyed  at  this  selection,  especially 
the  king  of  Tetzcuco,  for  the  latter  was  married  to  a  sister  of  Itzcohuatl.  He 
was  immediately  seated  upon  the  throne  and  crowned,  all  the  usual  ceremonies 
being  performed. 

After  he  was  crowned  and  seated  upon  the  throne  one  of  the  orators,  turning 
to  him  with  great  reverence,  addressed  him  as  follows:  "Son,  Lord  and  King, 
take  courage  and  be  comforted!  Let  not  your  heart  be  dismayed  nor  do  you 
lose  the  strength  so  necessary  for  your  royal  office  and  for  the  duties  with 
which  you  have  been  entrusted.  For  if  our  head  were  to  be  dismayed,  who  do 
you  think  would  remain  to  inspire  us  with  the  strength  and  courage  necessary 
for  our  government  and  for  the  defence  of  your  kingdom  and  state?  Do  you, 
perchance,  think  it  possible  to  bring  to  life  again  those  valorous  men  of  the 
past,  your  predecessors,  your  father  and  your  grandfather?  These,  O  most 
powerful  king,  have  passed  away  and  not  a  shadow  of  their  memory  remains; 
not  a  shadow  of  the  memory  of  their  valorous  thoughts  and  the  strength  of  their 
arms  and  breasts,  with  which  they  met  trouble  and  affliction.  The  Great  Lord 
of  Creation  has  hidden  them  from  our  view.  For  that  reason  remember  that 
we  are  today  all  the  more  dependent  upon  you.  Are  you  going  to  permit  the 
state  to  collapse  and  perish?  Are  you  going  to  permit  the  burden  that  has  been 
placed  upon  you  to  slip  from  your  shoulders?  Will  you,  most  valorous  prince, 
allow  the  aged  to  perish,  the  orphan,  the  widow?  Why,  indeed,  should  you  lose 
your  courage  and  spirit?  See  how  the  other  nations  are  watching  us,  despising 
us,  scoffing  at  us?  Have  pity  upon  the  children  who  crawl  upon  the  ground, 
who  will  perish  if  our  enemies  prevail  against  us.  My  lord,  open  and  extend 
your  cloak  over  the  shoulders  of  your  children,  for  they  are  poor  and  lowly  and 
have  confidence  in  the  protection  of  your  cloak,  and  in  the  frankness  of  your 
benign  countenance.  The  city  of  Mexico-Tenuchtitlan  is  proud  and  overjoyed 
at  having  your  protection.  Eemember  that  she  is  widowed,  that  a  new  spouse 
and  husband  has  arisen  who  shall  give  her  again  the  necessary  sustenance  and 
care.  My  son,  be  of  good  cheer  and  do  not  fear  hardships  nor  your  burden,  for 
the  god  whose  likeness  you  are  will  favor  you  and  help  you." 

This  is  the  fourth  Icing  of  Mexico,  called  Itzcohuatl,  that  is  to  say,  knife- 
snake.  He  was  the  son  of  the  Icing  Acamapichtli,  by  a  slave.  He  was  a  brave 
man. 

Having  finished  his  oration  all  the  vassals  felicitated  the  king  upon  his 
election,  and  the  foreign  nobles  after  doing  the  same  departed. 

When  Itzcohuatl  began  to  reign,  in  the  year  1494,  the  Tepanecans  had 
showed  their  enmity  against  the  Mexicans  to  such  a  degree  that  no  course  was 


94  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

left  open  to  the  latter  but  to  take  up  arms  and  meet  them.  For  that  reason  the 
new  king  began  to  make  military  preparations  and  to  provide  for  all  necessary 
things,  since  he  saw  that  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco  were  making  hasty  prepar 
ations  to  destroy  the  Mexicans. 

At  the  same  time  the  common  people  met,  and  realizing  that  they  were  few 
in  number  and  poorly  prepared  for  war,  while  the  Tepanecans  on  the  other 
hand  were  numerous,  besides  being  a  strong  and  warlike  people,  they  began  to 
feel  that  victory  would  be  impossible.  Thus  they  became  frightened  and  exhib 
ited  great  cowardice,  beseeching  the  king  and  his  leaders  with  tears  to  maintain 
L  ^f\/^--^^~ 

peace. 

Their  attitude  greatly  worried  and  disturbed  the  king  and  his  nobles.  The 
former  asked  them  what  it  was  they  wanted,  and  they  replied  and  said  that  the 
new  king  of  Azcaputzalco  was  a  merciful  man  and  they  were  of  the  opinion 
that  they  ought  to  take  their  god  Huitzilopuchtli  to  Azcaputzalco,  and  there, 
with  due  humility,  put  themselves  into  the  hands  of  the  king  and  do  what  he 
desired.  He  would  pardon  them  and  give  them  a  place  in  Azcaputzalco  where 
they  would  be  his  neighbors.  They  even  proposed  other  measures,  such  as 
offering  themselves  as  slaves  to  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco,  a  proposition  which 
did  not  seem  proper  to  any  of  those  who  had  the  least  spirit. 

However,  in  spite  of  everything,  some  of  the  lords  insisted  that  this  was  not 
so  bad  a  method,  and,  to  a  certain  extent  at  least,  gave  in  to  the  demands  of 
the  people.  All  consequently  agreed  upon  this  plan  and  began  to  put  it  in 
operation.  Calling  the  priests  of  Huitzilopuchtli,  they  got  ready  to  lift  the 
god  upon  their  shoulders.  While  the  Mexicans  were  thus  preparing  for  their 
journey  to  Azcaputzalco  there  appeared  a  valorous  young  man  named  Tlacaellel, 
a  nephew  of  King  Itzcohuatl,  and  the  man  who  afterwards  became  the  com 
mander  of  all  the  armies.  He  was  the  bravest  and  most  valiant  of  men,  a  man 
of  great  knowledge  and  wisdom  in  matters  of  war,  one  of  the  greatest  leaders 
ever  known  among  the  Mexicans  as  will  be  seen  further  on  in  more  detail. 
This  man  stepped  forward  among  them  and  said  as  follows: 

"What  is  this,  Mexicans?  What  has  happened  to  you?  Have  you  been 
deprived  of  all  reason?  Wait,  stop,  and  let  us  come  to  some  better  under 
standing  about  this  matter.  Who  would  be  such  a  coward  as  to  have  us  go 
and  surrender  ourselves  to  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco?"  Then,  turning  to  the 
king,  he  said:  "My  Lord,  what  is  this?  How  can  you  permit  such  a  thing? 
Speak  to  these  people!  Find  some  method  of  defending  yourself  and  your 
honor  so  that  we  do  not  put  ourselves  thus  wildly  into. the  hands  of  our  enemies." 

Then  the  king,  turning  to  the  people,  said:  "You  seem  still  determined  to 
go  to  Azcaputzalco,  an  act  of  great  baseness,  it  seems  to  me.  Let  me  give  you 
advice  which  will  be  more  to  our  honor  and  not  so  dishonorable  as  this  action 
that  you  wish  to  take.  Here  we  are  all  princes  and  leaders,  my  uncles,  my 
brothers,  and  my  nephews,  all  people  of  honor  and  esteem.  Which  one  of  you 
would  dare  go  before  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  to  find  out  his  decision  and  that 
of  his  people?  If  it  is  an  irrevocable  decision  that  we  must  die,  that  we  are  to 
be  destroyed,  let  one  of  you  rise  and  go. ' ' 

Seeing  that  no  one  arose  he  spoke  again,  ' '  What  is  this,  Mexicans,  have  you 
all  died  of  fear?"  Although  he  tried  to  persuade  them  many  times,  no  one 
among  these  people  dared  go,  for  they  feared  that  they  would  be  killed  as  soon 
as  they  were  seen  by  their  enemies. 

Tlacaellel,  seeing  that.no  one  had  the  courage,  spoke  out  in  a  loud  voice  with 
great  bravery:  "My  Lord,  and  King,  let  not  your  heart  fail  and  do  not  lose 
courage,  for  here  are  present  all  these  lords,  your  brothers  and  mine,  and  all 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         95 

our  relatives.  Since  no  one  of  them  responds  to  what  you  have  asked,  glancing 
around  from  one  to  another,  I  tell  them  that  I  offer  to  go  and  carry  this  message 
to  whatever  place  it  is  to  be  delivered  without  fear  of  death;  and  I  would  go 
with  the  same  willingness  even  if  I  had  the  alternative  of  gaining  immortality. 
Since  I  assume  that  I  am  going  to  die  some  time  it  makes  very  little  difference 
to  me  whether  it  be  today  or  tomorrow,  and  while  awaiting  it,  how  can  I  better 
employ  my  time  than  in  this  way?  When,  indeed,  shall  I  die  with  greater 
honor  than  in  the  defense  of  my  country?  For  that  reason,  my  Lor-d,  I  wish 
to  go. ' ' 

The  king,  Itzcohuatl,  answered  him,  saying:  "You  have  given  me  great 
pleasure,  nephew,  by  your  courageous  heart  and  your  determination,  and  in 
payment  of  it  I  promise  to  make  you  one  of  the  nobles  of  my  kingdom  and  to 
bestow  upon  you  numerous  honors.  Should  you  die  in  your  undertaking,  I  will 
bestow  the  same  honors  upon  your  sons,  so  that  your  memory  and  the  memory 
of  your  deeds  shall  never  perish;  for  you  are  going  to  die  in  the  defense  of  your 
country  and  for  the  honor  of  the  Mexicans." 

To  no  one  did  this  daring  proposal  of  Atlacaellel  's  appear  sensible,  for  they 
thought  it  temerity  and  that  he  was  in  manifest  danger  of  losing  his  life. 
However,  the  king,  although  he  felt  sad,  thought  that  to  risk  the  life  of  one 
person  in  order  to  save  the  lives  of  all  was  of  more  importance.  He  ordered 
him  to  go,  and  the  courageous  Atlacaellel,  preparing  himself  as  best  he  could, 
left  the  city  of  Mexico  and  with  great  boldness  set  out  to  where  the  guards  of 
Azcaputzalco  were  stationed. 

There  he  found  only  a  shield  bearer  and  some  other  men  without  arms  W7ho 
spoke  to  him:  "What  good  visitor  is  this?  Are  you  not  Tlacaellel,  nephew  of 
Itzcohuatl,  the  king  of  Mexico?"  He  answered  that  he  was,  and  then  they 
asked  him:  "Where  are  you  going?  Do  you  not  know,  my  lord,  that  we  have 
been  especially  commanded  not  to  permit  any  Mexican  to  enter  the  city,  but  to 
kill  him  immediately  I" 

Thereupon  he  answered  them:  "I  know  what  you  have  been  ordered  to  do, 
but  you  know  that  messengers  are  never  guilty  of  wrong"  actions.  I  have  been 
sent  to  speak  to  your  king  as  representative  of  the  king  of  Mexico  and  of  the 
people  and  the  leaders  and  I  therefore  beg  of  you  to  let  me  pass,  promising  to 
return  here  by  this  gate  and  if  you  then  desire  to  kill  me  I  will  deliver  myself 
over  to  you.  Let  me,  however,  bring  my  mission  to  a  conclusion,  and  I  assure 
you  that  you  shall  not  receive  any  punishment  for  it. ' '  He  finally  succeeded 
in  persuading  the  guards  and  they  permitted  him  to  enter. 

He  went  to  where  the  king  was  standing  and  pausing  before  him  paid  his 
due  resp'ects.  When  the  king  saw  and  recognized  him,  he  said  in  admiration, 
"How  have  you  entered  the  city  without  the  guards  killing  you?"  There 
upon  the  former  told  him  all  that  had  happened,  and  the  king  then  asked  him 
what  his  errand  was.  Atlacaellel  told  the  nature  of  his  mission  and  tried  to 
persuade  the  king  to  maintain  peace,  begging  him  to  have  pity  on  the  city  of 
Mexico,  upon  the  old  and  the  young.  Finally  he  pointed  out  to  him  all  the 
damage  that  would  result  through  war.  He  besought  him  to  placate  the  anger 
of  the  nobles  and  the  princes  and  assured  him  that  the  Mexicans  were  willing 
to  serve  him  as  heretofore. 

The  king  was  quite  convinced  and  favorably  inclined  toward  the  words  of 
Atlacaellel  and  assured  him  that  all  he  said  was  quite  true  and  that  he  would 
speak  to  the  nobles  of  the  court  and  try  to  find  out  whether  there  was  any  way 
of  appeasing  their  anger;  that  if  he  did  not  succeed,  then  he  would  know  that 
it  no  longer  lay  in  his  power  to  do  anything. 


96  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Then  the  courageous  youth  asked  the  king  when  he  should  return  for  his 
answer,  and  the  latter  said  the  next  day.  Atlacaellel  then  asked  for  a  safe- 
conduct  so  that  he  might  pass  the  guards  without  being  killed,  but  the  king  said 
that  the  only  safe-conduct  he  could  give  him  was  the  fact  that  he  (Atlacaellel) 
was  able  to  appear  before  him. 

Seeing  how  little  the  king  would  do  for  him  in  this  matter,  Atlacaellel  took 
leave  of  him  and  started  to  return  to  the  city.  When  he  came  to  the  guards, 
he  found  them  better  prepared  for  war  and  together  with  other  armed  people. 
Going  up  to  them  he  said,  greeting  them:  "My  brothers,  I  have  just  come  from 
talking  to  your  king  and  I  bring  a  request  from  him  that  you  let  me  pass.  If 
you  do  so  I  shall  be  very  grateful  to  you,  for  since  I  am  negotiating  about 
peace  and  deceiving  no  one  there  is  no  reason  why  I  should  receive  any  hurt. 
If,  however  (I  am  to  be  killed),  I  agree  to  return  to  you  after  receiving  an 
answer  and  after  the  determination  of  this  matter.  It  can  be  of  little  conse 
quence  to  you  whether  you  kill  me  today  or  tomorrow  and  I  give  you  my  word 
that  I  will  return  and  deliver  myself  into  your  hands. ' '  This  being  a  fair 
promise,  the  guards  permitted  him  to  pass. 

When  Tlacaellel  returned  to  the  city  of  Mexico  unharmed,  the  king  and  the 
entire  city  came  out  to  welcome  him  with  joy.  He  told  them  what  had  hap 
pened  and  that  he  would  have  to  return  on  the  following  day  to  find  out  the 
decision  in  this  matter. 

On  the  following  day  he  went  to  ask  the  king  for  permission  to  go  to  con 
clude  the  matter  and  the  king  spoke  to  him  as  follows:  "Nephew,  I  thank 
you  for  the  care  and  dispatch  you  have  shown  in  this  matter  and  for  the  manner 
in  which  you  took  your  life  in  your  own  hands.  What  you  have  now  to  do  is  to 
find  out  from  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  whether  they  are  still  determined  to  turn 
a  deaf  ear  to  our  entreaties  and  abandon  us,  or  whether  they  wish  to  admit  us 
again  to  their  friendship  and  grace.  If  he  answers  that  there  is  no  recourse 
now,  and  that  they  intend  to  destroy  us,  take  this  ointment  with  which  the  dead 
are  anointed  and  anoint  his  entire  body.  Then  decorate  his  head  with  plumes 
as  we  do  our  dead,  as  a  sign  that  he  is  going  to  die,  and  finally  give  him  a  shield 
and  sword  and  these  ornamented  arrows  which  are  the  insignia  of  a  ruler  and 
tell  him  to  look  at  them,  for  we  are  going  to  use  all  our  power  to  destroy  him." 

Then  Atlacaellel  dressed  and  departed  for  the  city  of  Azcaputzalco,  where 
the  guards  permitted  him  to  enter,  for  they  regarded  him  as  a  man  of  his  word 
and  they  were  willing  to  let  him  enter  the  city  then  and  kill  him  on  his  return. 
When  Atlacaellel  came  before  the  king  he  told  him  the  purpose  of  his  mission, 
and  the  latter  answered:  "My  son,  what  do  you  wish  me  to  tell  you?  Although 
I  am  king,  the  people  of  my  kingdom  wish  me  to  wage  war,  and  how  can  I 
prevent  it?  Even  if  I  wanted  to  prevent  it,  I  should  thereby  merely  risk  my 
life  and  the  lives  of  all  my  children,  for  my  nobles  are  furious  and  greatly 
incensed  against  your  people  and  insist  that  you  be  destroyed. ' ' 

Then  Atlacaellel  answered  him  with  great  boldness:  "Sire,  your  servant 
the  king  of  Mexico  sends  you  a  message  of  encouragement  and  begs  you  to  be 
of  good  cheer.  I  am  entrusted  to  tell  you  to  prepare  yourself,  for  from  this 
day  on  we  defy  you  and  your  people,  and  to  inform  you  that  we  are  your  mortal 
enemies  and  that  either  my  king  and  his  people  are  to  die  in  battle  or  be  your 
slaves  in  perpetuity,  or  else  you  and  yours  are  to  suffer  a  like  fate.  However, 
it  will  be  on  your  head  that  the  blame  will  fall  for  having  commenced  a  war 
from  which  you  shall  not  emerge  alive.  Now  my  king  orders  you  to  anoint 
yourself  with  this  ointment  for  the  dead  and  to  prepare  yourself  for  death. ' ' 
Then,  after  giving  him  the  other  insignia  (he  had  brought  along),  the  king 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans         97 

permitted  himself  to  be  anointed  and  dressed  by  Atlacaellel.  After  he  had 
finished,  the  latter  told  the  king  that  he  brought  him  the  greetings  of  Itzcohuatl. 

Then  before  taking  leave  of  Atlacaellel,  the  king,  detaining  him,  said: 
"Atlacaellel,  do  not  leave  by  the  gate  of  the  city,  for  they  are  waiting  to  kill 
you  there.  Now  I  have  had  a  little  gate  made  beyond  my  house  through  which 
you  may  leave  and  return  in  safety  to  your  city.  And  since  you  ought  not  to 
go  without  my  thanking  you  for  the  friendship  you  have  shown  me  and  without 
some  acknowledgment  of  your  valorous  deed,  take  this  shield  and  these  arms 
and  sword  with  which  to  defend  yourself. ' ' 

Atlacaellel  thanked  him  and  left  by  the  little  gate  which  had  been  made, 
and  hiding  himself  in  secret  paths  finally  passed  beyond  where  the  guards  were 
stationed.  When  he  was  in  the  confines  of  Mexico,  he  showed  himself  to  the 
guards  and  said  to  them:  "Ah,  Tepanecans,  Azcaputzalcans,  how  poorly  have 
you  fulfilled  your  duties  of  guardians  of  the  city.  Be  prepared  now,  for  before 
long  Azcaputzalco  shall  no  longer  exist;  not  a  stone  shall  be  left  standing  upon 
another  and  every  man,  woman  and  child,  all  of  them  shall  perish.  This  I  tell 
you  in  the  name  of  the  king  of  Mexico,  Itzcohuatl,  and  the  people  of  Mexico. 
I  defy  you  all !  " 

The  sentinels  hearing  these  words  of  Atlacaellel  and  frightened  at  his 
having  escaped  without  their  seeing  him,  rushed  forward  to  kill  him,  but  he, 
facing  them  all,  killed  some  before  others  could  come  forward.  Then  seeing 
(many)  other  people  coming  to  their  aid,  he  retired  valorously  toward  the 
entrance  of  his  city,  where  the  enemy  gave  up. 

When  Atlacaellel  returned  to  Mexico  he  notified  the  king  of  all  that  had 
happened,  how  he  had  defied  all  and  how  war  was  now  inevitable.  When  the 
common  people  heard  of  this  they  began  to  worry  and  to  show  ordinary  signs 
of  cowardice,  asking  the  king  and  the  nobles  to  let  them  leave  the  city.  The 
nobles  and  the  king,  in  person,  tried  to  console  them  and  said,  "Do  not  fear, 
my  sons,  for  we  shall  free  ourselves  without  any  harm  coming  to  us. ' '  Then 
they  answered,  "And  if  we  do  not  emerge  victorious,  what  will  become  of  us?" 
The  king  thereupon  responded:  "If  we  do  not  emerge  victorious,  we  will 
deliver  ourselves  over  to  your  hands  and  you  may  use  our  flesh  as  food.  Thus 
you  may  avenge  yourselves  upon  us;  you  may  eat  us,  cut  up  and  fatty  and  placed 
in  earthen  pots.  Thus  you  may  treat  us  in  that  disgraceful  manner. ' ' 

Then  they  answered  and  said:  "Well  and  good.  Now  we  promise  to  do 
and  fulfill  the  following  and  you  yourselves  may  carry  out  the  sentence  upon 
us.  If  we  emerge  successful  from  this  battle  we  agree  to  serve  you,  pay  you 
tribute  and  be  your  serfs;  to  build  your  houses  and  serve  your  fathers  and  your 
sons  as  our  lords,  in  every  capacity.  When  you  go  to  war,  we  promise  to  carry 
your  burdens,  your  food  and  your  arms,  upon  our  backs,  serving  you  on  all  the 
roads  through  which  you  pass.  Finally,  we  agree  to  sell  ourselves  and  put  our 
persons  in  subjection  to  you  and  to  put  our  wealth  at  your  disposal  forever. ' ' 

The  king  and  his  nobles,  seeing  what  the  common  people  offered  and  what 
they  obligated  themselves  to  perform,  accepted  all  the  conditions  and  took  an 
oath,  swearing  to  keep  their  agreement. 

These  various  matters  having  been  settled,  the  king  ordered  Atlacaellel  to 
get  the  people  ready  immediately  and  to  have  everything  in  readiness.  This 
he  did  with  great  dispatch,  giving  captaincies  to  all  the  sons  of  the  late  kings 
and  to  the  brothers  and  the  near  relatives  of  the  king.  When  all  was  in  proper 
order  and  the  people  divided  into  squadrons  the  king  addressed  the  whole  army, 
encouraging  them  either  to  die  or  to  conquer,  telling  them  of  the  noble  origin 
and  the  valor  of  the  Mexican  people  and  recalling  to  them  that  this  was  the 


98  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

first  of  their  battles  and  that  it  would  be  an  excellent  occasion  to  emerge  with 
honor  and  to  make  their  neighbors  fear  and  tremble;  that  no  one  was  to  lose 
heart,  for  the  numerous  divisions  of  the  Tepanecan  nations  possessed  nothing 
but  masculine  vigor.  Then  he  expressly  commanded  that  each  person  should 
follow  his  captain  and  go  wherever  he  was  most  needed  and  that  no  one  should 
advance  unless  told  to. 

Then  they  began  to  march  against  Azcaputzalco  in  perfect  order  and  pre 
cision  to  the  place  to  which  the  king  and  the  brave  Atlacaellel,  the  commander- 
in-chief,  led  them.  When  they  approached  the  Azcaputzalcans  the  latter  des 
cried  them  and  immediately  came  down  in  good  order  for  the  encounter.  The 
latter  were  loaded  down  with  great  riches,  gold,  silver,  jewels,  and  feathers; 
they  had  rich  devices  on  their  shields  and  weapons  as  became  a  powerful  people 
who  at  that  time  held  sway  over  all  that  country.  The  Mexicans,  although 
poorly  dressed,  were  full  of  courage  and  confidence  in  the  valor  and  subtlety  of 
their  general. 

The  brave  Atlacaellel,  seeing  that  the  enemy  was  advancing  with  such 
vehemence,  before  they  actually  came  to  blows,  ordered  that  all  the  captains 
and  the  leaders  and  young  men  who  showed  great  intrepidity  and  desire  for 
battle  be  put  in  the  wings  of  the  army  and  that  when  the  signal  was  given  these 
were  to  rush  upon  the  enemy,  while  the  common  people  and  soldiers  of  lesser 
courage  should  remain  where  they  were  (in  the  center),  the  king  placing  him 
self  at  the  head  of  them  for  the  time  being.  If  the  enemy  were  defeated  these 
latter  should  not  break  rank  but  together  in  one  mass  they  were  to  enter  the 
city  of  Azcaputzalco. 

The  enemy  was  quite  near  as  he  said  this,  so  (those  specially  selected) 
placed  themselves  in  the  wings  as  Atlacaellel  had  ordered  and  *the  king  Itzcohuatl 
struck  a  small  drum  suspended  from  his  shoulders  and  as  he  thus  gave  the 
signal  the  Mexican  army  sprang  forward  with  such  great  shouts  and  shrieks 
that  the  enemy  was  seized  with  fear.  Then,  attacking  with  impetuosity 
and  with  an  invincible  spirit,  striking  desperately  to  right  and  left,  in  no 
particular  order,  they  began  to  shout,  ' '  Mexico !  Mexico !  ' '  and  so  greatly  did 
this  disconcert  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco  that  they  began  to  lose  their  order 
and  were  defeated,  many  of  the  common  people  being  killed.  The  Mexicans, 
keeping  up  their  courage,  captured  great  prizes  and  showed  remarkable  dexterity 
in  wounding  and  killing  the  enemy. 

The  people  of  Azcaputzalco  began  to  retreat  to  their  city  and  the  Mexicans, 
gaining  upon  them,  followed  them.  The  Mexicans  had  exhibited  no  fear 
throughout  the  fighting,  and  now  when  they  saw  themselves  victorious  they 
rushed  with  great  boldness  upon  the  enemy.  Then  the  Mexican  king,  seeing 
this,  urged  on  his  forces,  the  king  of  Azcaputzalco  doing  the  same.  However, 
the  Mexicans  were  so  fired  with  enthusiasm  that  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco 
could  not  resist  them  and  fleeing  from  the  field  they  retired  to  their  city. 

Then  the  spirited  Atlacaellel,  the  general  of  the  Mexican  army,  let  loose 
tremendous  shouts  of  "Victory!  Victory!"  and  closing  in  upon  the  enemy 
killed  and  wounded  them  most  piteously.  The  king,  Itzcohuatl,  then  ordered  that 
part  of  the  army  under  him  to  pillage  the  city,  burn  the  houses  and  sack  what 
ever  they  found  there,  and  to  spare  neither  man  nor  woman,  young  nor  old. 
This  was  done  pitilessly  and  mercilessly  and  not  an  object  was  left  standing 
upright  nor  a  person  alive,  except  those  who  succeeded  in  escaping  and  who 
fled  to  the  mountains.  Even  these  the  Mexicans  did  not  spare,  for  they  followed 
them  like  wild  lions  raging  with  fury  and  anger  and  even  pursued  them  to  the 
most  inaccessible  parts  of  the  sierras.  There  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco  pros- 


1920]       liadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans        99 

trated  themselves,  surrendered  their  weapons  and  promised  to  give  (the  Mexicans) 
their  lands,  to  w^ork  on  their  houses  and  plantations,  to  pay  tribute  to  them 
forever  and  even  to  supply  them  with  stone,  lime,  and  wood  for  their  houses. 
They  also  promised  to  give  them  all  necessary  seeds  and  vegetables  for  their 
support.  The  general,  Atlacaellel,  taking  pity  upon  them,  ordered  the  pursuit 
to  cease  and  gathering  his  people  together  he  made  the  Azcaputzalcans  swear 
that  they  w^ould  fulfill  what  they  had  promised.  Then  the  Mexicans  returned 
victorious  and  happy  to  their  city,  laden  with  great  riches  and  spoils  which 
they  had  found  in  Azcaputzalco,  for  since  it  had  been  the  court,  all  the  wealth 
of  the  Tepanecan  nation  had  centered  there. 

The  great  battle  that  the  king  Atlacaellel  had  with  the  people  of  Azca- 
putsalco,  in  which  he  killed  almost  all  of  them  and  seised  the  enormous  riches 
that  thi-s  town  contained,  for  it  was  the  capital  of  the  Tepanecans. 

On  the  following  day  King  Itzcohuatl  of  Mexico  ordered  all  his  chiefs  to 
come  together  and  told  them  that  they  no  doubt  remembered  that  the  common 
people  had  obligated  themselves  to  perpetual  service  if  the  Mexicans  were 
victorious,  and  that  therefore  it  might  be  well  to  call  them  and  ask  them  to 
fulfill  their  promise.  He  put  this  proposition  before  the  common  people  assem 
bled  there,  and  the  latter  admitted  that  they  had  promised  all  this;  that  the 
lords  and  leaders  by  their  great  bravery  and  valor  had  indeed  merited  victory 
and  for  that  reason  they  were  quite  willing  to  accept  their  fate  and  keep  their 
promise.  So  there  they  took  the  oath  binding  themselves  to  all  the  conditions 
mentioned  before.  And  this  was  kept  from  that  time  on. 

Then  they  went  into  the  city  of  Azcaputzalco,  where  they  divided  the  lands 
among  themselves,  giving  the  largest  and  the  best  portion  to  the  royal  crown; 
the  next,  to  the  captain-general  Tlacaellel,  and  the  remainder  to  the  other 
leaders  and  nobles  of  Mexico,  each  one  receiving  land  according  to  the  manner 
in  which  he  had  distinguished  himself  in  battle.  To  the  common  people  they 
gave  no  land,  except  to  those  few  who  had  shown  spirit  and  courage.  To  the 
others  they  paid  no  attention  at  all  and  reviled  them  for  their  cowardice  and 
their  lack  of  courage,  telling  them  that  they  were  people  who  lacked  the 
imagination  to  look  ahead  of  them.  Finally  they  gave  lands  to  the  barrios 
so  that  they  might  use  what  they  harvested  from  these  lands  for  the  service 
of  their  gods  and  the  embellishment  of  their  temples.  This  is  the  method  to 
which  they  ever  after  adhered  in  apportioning  lands  gained  by  conquest. 

From  that  time  on  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco  had  such  narrow  and  small 
strips  of  land  that  they  hardly  possessed  a  place  sufficiently  large  to  grow  (the 
food  they  needed).  After  this  apportionment  the  king  of  Mexico  summoned 
all  the  people  of  Azcaputzalco  and  imposed  tributes  upon  them  as  well  as 
personal  service,  both  of  which  they  had  obligated  themselvas  to  when  they 
surrendered.  Then  he  issued  and  had  circulated  a  public  edict  to  the  effect 
that  from  that  day  on  there  should  be  no  king  of  Azcaputzalco  and  that  they 
should  all  owe  allegiance  to  the  king  of  Mexico.  Should  they  profess  allegiance 
to  or  name  any  other  king  they  were  to  be  annihilated.  From  that  time  on 
Itzcohuatl  became  king  of  both  Azcaputzalco  and  Mexico. 

The  people  of  Coyuhuacan,  the  second  city  of  the  Tepanecans,  seeing  their 
capital  city  destroyed  and  forced  to  pay  tribute,  sent  messengers  to  tell  the 
people  of  Azcaputzalco  the  great  grief  they  felt  at  their  loss  and  misfortune, 
offering,  at  the  same  time,  their  persons  and  whatever  else  was  necessary  to 
restore  their  power  and  to  avenge  the  wrongs  which  the  Mexicans  had  inflicted 


100  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arcli.  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

upon  them.  The  people  of  Azcaputzalco  thanked  them,  but  answered  that  it 
was  too  late  for  such  offers  now;  that  all  they  wished  was  to  be  permitted  to 
mourn  over  their  disastrous  and  unfortunate  fall;  that  it  would  indeed  be 
many  years  before  they  again  were  in  a  position  to  make  up  for  all  that  they 
had  lost.  When  the  people  of  Coyuhuacan  heard  this  answer,  wild  and  full  of 
anger  and  fear,  they  exclaimed:  " Never  shall  the  Mexicans  treat  us  in  this 
manner.  Never  shall  they  take  away  our  lands  and  compel  us  to  pay  tribute. 
Let  us  put  ourselves  in  a  state  of  defense,  lest  they  in  their  presumption  and 
emboldened  by  their  success  attack  us." 

They  jwere  unfair  in  making  this  statement,  for  the  Mexicans,  being  a  noble 
peopleTnever  had  the "slightest  thought  of  inciting  people  to  anger  or  of  making 
war  upon  them,  unless  they  were  justly  provoked, las  will  be  shown  later  on. 
However,  the  Tepanecans  of  Coyuhuacan  ran  about  so  excitedly  and  with  so 
rabid  a  desire  to  destroy  the  Mexicans  that,  blinded  by  their  passion  to  offer 
battle,  they  immediately  began  to  annoy  the  Mexicans  in  order  to  provoke 
them.  They  would  burst  upon  the  roads  and  mob  and  insult  the  Mexican  women 
who  went  to  the  market  of  Coyuhuacan.  For  some  time  the  king  of  Mexico 
suffered  this,  but  when  he  saw  how  shameless  they  were  becoming,  he  forbade 
all  Mexican  women  to  go  to  the  markets  of  Coyuhuacan,  or  to  enter  into  or 
have  any  intercourse  with  that  city  upon  pain  of  death.  The  people  of 
Coyuhuacan,  noticing  that  the  Mexicans  did  not  come  to  their  markets,  as  was 
their  custom,  became  greatly  frightened,  for  they  realized  that  the  Mexicans 
must  have  been  informed  of  what  they  were  doing.  Fearing  that  they  would 
immediately  declare  war,  they  therefore  began  to  get  their  men  in  line  and 
prepare  them,  admonishing  them  to  be  strong,  and,  above  all,  to  remember  that 
they  were  going  to  fight,  not  an  indifferent  nation,  but  the  Mexicans,  a  war 
like,  strong,  and  astute  people.  Their  fear  increasing  even  further,  they  tried 
to  incite  all  the  neighboring  kings  against  the  Mexicans,  sending  their  mes 
sengers  around  to  circulate  falsehoods  and  slanders,  in  order  that  they  might 
thus  induce  them  to  combine  with  them  to  destroy  the  Mexicans.  However, 
none  of  the  kings  wished  to  join  or  listen  to  the  kings  of  Coyuhuacan.  On  the 
contrary,  they  reprimanded  these  senseless  and  overbold  people.  For  the 
Mexicans  were  now  highly  respected  for  having  conquered  Azcaputzalco,  a 
city  which  had  been  the  capital  of  all  the  countries.  The  Tepanecans  of 
Coyuhuacan  became  quite  cowardly,  but  their  chief,  seeing  them  sad  and  be 
having  like  cowards,  said:  "Tepanecans,  we  cannot  withdraw  now.  Where 
are  we  to  hide  ourselves?  We  have  now  angered  the  Mexicans,  and  nothing 
further  remains  for  us  to  do  but  to  die  or  conquer.  Be  of  stout  heart,  there 
fore,  for  that  is  the  best  remedy,  and  this,  it  seems  to  me,  will  also  make  the 
Mexicans  realize  that  we  do  not  fear  them.  Come,  let  us  play  a  trick  on  them. ' ' 

Some  suggested  that  they  invite  the  Mexicans  to  a  feast  and  during  the 
meal  fall  upon  them  unaware  and  kill  them.  To  this  the  lord  of  Coyuhuacan 
answered,  "That  would  be  a  most  dastardly  act,  appropriate  for  common  and 
low  people. ' '  Not  for  a  moment  should  anyone  think  of  such  a  treasonable 
and  evil  act,  because  they  wrould  then  assuredly  be  regarded  as  cowards  and 
the  neighboring  nations  would  be  offended.  "Let  me  give  you  a  more  honorable 
suggestion  and  one  that  will  make  us  feared  by  the  Mexicans.  Let  us  invite 
the  Mexicans,  at  a  time  to  be  specified,  and  then  when  they  are  inside  let  us 
play  a  trick  on  them  and  thus  they  will  be  prepared  and  warned." 

On  the  occasion  of  one  of  their  feasts  the  Tepanecans  invited  the  Mexicans, 
all  of  whom  accepted.  However,  all  except  the  leaders  went  with  some  mis 
giving.  Before  leaving  Mexico  the  brave  Atlacaellel,  who  accompanied  them, 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       101 

said  to  the  king,  Itzcohuatl:  "My  lord,  we  do  not  wish  you  to  go  to  this  feast, 
for  it  is  not  proper  for  you  to  hold  your  royal  person  in  such  low  esteem  as  to 
accept  the  invitation  of  a  minor  lord.  You  would  be  lowering  your  royal  person 
and  the  greatness  of  your  majesty  and  that  of  the  kingdom  of  Mexico.  More 
over,  we  do  not  know  how  this  feast  will  terminate,  and  for  that  reason  we 
ought  not  to  go  carelessly;  we  should  not  neglect  to  make  provision  for  de 
fending  our  persons,  should  it  be  necessary  to  do  so  and  should  they  attempt 
any  act  of  treachery. ' '  This  advice  of  Tlacaellel  seemed  very  much  to  the 
point,  and  the  king  therefore  remained  in  the  city  and  only  the  chiefs  went. 

When  those  who  started  out  arrived  at  Coyuhuacan  they  extended  their 
greetings  to  the  ruler  of  the  place  and  to  all  his  chiefs,  paying  them  great 
compliments  and  offering  them  all  kinds  of  gifts,  fish,  frogs,  ducks,  vegetables, 
indeed  large  quantities  of  everything  to  be  found  in  their  city.  The  ruler  and 
the  chiefs  of  Coyuhuacan  showed  great  pleasure  and  satisfaction  in  receiving 
them,  falsely  extending  to  them  all  imaginable  courtesies  and  quartering  them 
in  the  principal  houses  of  the  city.  Then  they  took  a  drum  and  when  it  was 
sounded  they  began  to  perform  before  their  guests  a  dance  with  its  accom 
panying  music.  After  the  dance  they  gave  them  a  good  dinner  with  many 
dishes  which  they  highly  esteemed.  When  the  meal  was  over,  instead  of  roses 
and  other  sweet-smelling  remembrances  which  it  was  customary  to  give  to 
guests,  the  lord  of  Coyuhuacan  sent  to  each  of  the  Mexican  leaders  the  robes 
and  dresses  of  women.  The  messengers  in  placing  these  before  them  said: 
"My  lords,  my  master  has  ordered  us  to  dress  you  in  these  female  clothes, 
because  you  were  men  who  came  so  guilelessly  among  us,  when  you  have 
known  that  for  some  time  we  have  been  trying  to  incite  and  provoke  your 
people  to  war. ' ' 

As  there  was  nothing  that  they  could  very  well  do,  they  permitted  them 
selves  to  be  dressed  in  the  degrading  garments  of  women  and  thus  they  were 
sent  back  to  their  city.  There  they  presented  themselves  to  the  king  of  Mexico 
and  told  him  everything  that  had  happened.  The  king  consoled  them  and  said 
that  the  insult  would  redound  to  their  honor  and  that,  in  addition,  they  should 
not  feel  badly  about  it,  for  he  was  going  to  avenge  it  in  a  very  short  time  by 
killing  and  destroying  all  these  people.  He  then  and  there  declared  mortal 
enmity  against  the  Tepanecans,  closing  the  roads  to  them  and  placing  guards 
there  so  that  no  one  could  pass  into  the  city  without  being  immediately  (seen) 
and  killed.  Then  he  spoke  as  follows: 

' '  Since  they  have  played  this  trick  upon  us,  it  might  be  well  before  starting 
war  to  pay  them  back  by  playing  even  a  worse  trick  upon  them.  You  all  know 
how  extremely  fond  these  people  are  of  the  food  that  is  found  in  our  lagoon. 
Have  the  guards  catch  fish,  ducks,  geese  and  all  the  game  that  abound  in  our 
lagoon,  which  they  can  not  now  obtain  and  which  they  would  so  greatly  desire 
to  have.  Let  these  be  roasted  and  toasted  and  cooked  at  their  very  gates  and 
in  such  a  manner  that  the  odor  will  enter  their  city,  so  that  upon  smelling  it 
their  women  may  miscarry,  their  children  abjure  their  parents,  and  the  old 
people  become  weak  and  die  of  envy  and  desire  to  eat  what  is  being  withheld 
from  them. ' ' 

Accounts  tell  us,  with  great  exaggeration,  how  the  order  of  the  king  of 
Mexico  was  put  into  execution;  how  the  Mexicans  carried  great  quantities  of 
the  above-mentioned  food  to  the  boundaries  of  C'oyohuacan,  and  how  the  odor 
entered  and  spread  through  the  streets  of  that  city,  making  the  pregnant  women 
miscarry,  confining  others  to  their  beds,  and  inflating  the  faces  and  hands  and 
feet  of  those  to  whom  the  former  misfortunes  did  not  happen,  until  they  died. 


102  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  EtJin.      [Vol.  17 

The  ruler  of  Coyohuacan,  seeing  the  harm  that  was  being  caused,  called  a 
councillor  named  Cuecuex  and  said  to  him:  "How  are  we  going  to  prevent 
them  from  destroying  us  since  we  have  so  great  a  desire  for  the  food  that  they 
eat  and  they  have  caused  these  very  pleasant  odors  to  drift  into  our  city 
causing  the  women  to  miscarry  and  the  other  people  to  endure  untold  suffering?" 
Then  Cuecuex  answered:  "There  is  nothing  for  us  to  do  but  to  take  our  fate 
into  our  own  hands  and  sally  forth  to  battle.  I  shall  be  the  foremost !  ' ' 
Saying  this,  he  quickly  put  on  his  armor,  and  taking  a  sword  and  a  shield, 
alone,  unaccompanied,  he  went  to  the  place  where  the  foremost  guards  of 
Mexico  were  stationed  and  there  he  defied  the  Mexicans  and  told  them,  in  a 
loud  voice,  that  he  had  come,  unattended,  to  destroy  them.  And  to  this  defiance 
he  added  many  insulting  words.  He  toyed  with  his  shield  and  his  sword,  brand 
ishing  it  now  at  one  and  now  at  another  person.  Not  a  man  would  sally  forth, 
the  Mexicans  fearing  an  ambuscade. 

Then  at  somebody's  command  the  Mexicans  erected  a  high  scaffold,  which 
they  made  in  a  very  short  time,  and  the  general  Tlacaellel  ascended  it  and 
looked  around  in  all  directions,  carefully  scrutinizing  the  country  in  all  direc 
tions  for  a  possible  ambuscade  or  for  people  in  hiding.  There  he  saw  a  small 
streak  of  smoke  ascending  from  some  reeds  (in  the  distance).  As  he  knew 
the  Tepanecan  army  quite  well  he  descended  and  ordered  the  tower-guards  to 
ascend  the  scaffold  and  carefully  examine  the  horizon  to  see  whether  any  of 
the  army  of  the  Tepanecans  had  separated  from  the  others  and,  if  so,  in  what 
direction.  Then  he  ordered  the  captains  to  hold  in  readiness  all  the  warriors 
and  commanded  them  not  to  leave  that  place,  nor  indeed  to  move  a  foot  until 
he  returned. 

After  giving  this  advice,  he  went  to  the  canebrakes — hiding  himself  as  well 
as  he  could,  and  being  well  armed  with  his  spear  and  shield — where  he  had 
seen  the  smoke,  and  finally  emerged  near  some  earth-ridges  within  the  confines 
of  Culhuacan.  Looking  around  among  the  rushes  which  he  found  there,  he  saw 
three  soldiers,  very  well  armed,  although  quite  off  their  guard.  Eecognizing 
by  their  speech  that  they  were  of  Culhuacan  and  not  Tepanecans,  he  went  up 
to  them  and  asked  them  who  they  were.  They,  not  averse  to  talking,  answered 
him:  "Sir,  we  are  from  Culhuacan  and  we  come  to  seek  our  fortune.  We  will 
be  glad  to  put  ourselves  at  your  service  for  war  and  to  do  whatever  you  wish 
us  to  do. ' ' 

Tlacaellel  said  to  them,  "At  first  I  believed  you  were  spies  from  Culhuacan 
who  had  come  to  reconnoitre  our  army  in  order  to  take  us  in  the  rear. ' '  The 
three  youths  smiled  and  said,  "My  lord,  the  people  of  Culhuacan  are  not 
treacherous,  but  are  men  of  great  honor  and  frankness."  He  then  asked  them 
for  their  names  and  they  gave  him  three  names,  not  their  own,  for  they  wished 
to  hide  their  identity.  They  were  really  chiefs  desirous  of  gaining  honor  and 
of  distinguishing  themselves  in  battle,  so  that  they  might  be  able  to  recount 
their  exploits  (among  their  fellow-men). 

Then- Tlacaellel  said  to  them:  "Brothers,  I  am  the  general  of  the  Mexican 
army,  and  since  you  wish  to  gain  war  honors,  I  wish  to  ask  you  to  do  one  thing 
for  me  and  that  is,  not  to  leave  this  place  nor  to  move  from  here  but  to  guard 
this  spot  until  I  return;  and  if,  by  chance,  soldiers  from  Coyohuacan  should  come 
here  kill  them  without  pity.  In  that  way  you  will  be  able  to  remove  the 
suspicion  in  which  I  at  first  held  you. ' '  This  they  promised,  and  he  went  back 
to  his  army,  where  he  found  the  king  Itzcohuatl  encouraging  the  captains  and 
the  soldiers. 


1920]       Sadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       103 

When  he  arrived  in  the  presence  of  the  king  he  told  the  latter  that  he  had 
found  three  natives  of  Culhuacan,  well  disposed  youths,  and  after  narrating 
what  conversation  he  had  had  with  them,  he  told  how  he  had  asked  them  to  wait 
there  and  guard  that  particular  spot  and  how  they  had  promised  to  do  so. 

At  this  juncture  the  tower  watchers  came  to  advise  the  king  that  the  army 
of  Coyohuacan  was  approaching  in  good  order.  Then  Atlacaellel  asked  the 
king  whether  he  could  take  some  men  along  with  him  and  go  to  meet  the  enemy 
and  present  a  bold  front  to  them,  and  said  that  he  also  wished  to  go,  in  company 
with  some  soldiers  and  two  captains,  to  the  place  where  he  had  left  the  three 
soldiers  to  see  if  they  had  remained  faithful.  If  they  had,  he  would  then 
return  with  them  immediately  to  the  army.  In  this  way  he  would  also  most 
certainly  discover  whether  there  was  any  ambush.  The  king  answered  that 
he  might  go,  commending  at  the  same  time  his  valor,  and  adding  that  he  expected 
much  from  his  courage  and  cunning. 

So  he  went  to  the  canebrakes,  taking  with  him  a  handful  of  people,  and 
when  he  came  to  the  place  where  he  had  left  the  three  youths  he  found  them 
waiting  there  for  him 'as  they  had  promised.  Having  brought  along  weapons 
with  Mexican  devices,  he  then  furnished  them  with  new  shields  and  swords 
and  they  then  began  to  march  toward  Coyohuacan  secretly,  in  order  to  take 
the  enemy  in  the  rear. 

The  king  of  Mexico  now  gave  battle,  beginning  the  conflict  with  great 
violence  and  inflicting  as  much  damage  as  he  was  able.  So  great  were  the 
shouts  from  the  different  sides  of  the  battlefield  that  one  could  hear  them  at  a 
great  distance.  While  the  Mexicans  and  the  Tepanecans  were  in  the  heat  of 
the  battle,  neither  of  them  feeling  that  they  had  gained  the  advantage, 
Tlacaellel,  with  those  accompanying  him,  fell  upon  them  in  the  rear  at  an 
unexpected  moment,  and  so  quickly,  shouting  at  the  same  time  "  Mexico! 
Mexico !  Tenochtitlan !  ' '  that  the  enemy  were  thrown  into  panic  and  fear.  Then 
beginning  to  strike  blows  (right  and  left)  he  wounded  and  killed  so  mercilessly 
that  the  enemy  retreated.  The  Tepanecans,  seeing  themselves  thus  assaulted, 
abandoned  the  field  of  battle,  and  Tlacaellel  and  his  three  companions,  going 
in  pursuit,  performed  such  acts  of  daring  and  valor  that  no  one  was  able  to 
stand  up  before  them.  They  pursued  the  enemy  like  enraged  lions. 

The  Tepanecans  retired  in  great  haste,  intending  to  fortify  themselves  in 
their  temple.  Tlacaellel,  however,  and  his  three  companions  got  ahead  of  them, 
and  before  the  enemy  came  to  the  temple  they  forced  an  entrance  and  burned 
the  teocalli.  The  Tepanecans,  seeing  their  temple  011  fire,  lost  courage  so  com 
pletely  that  they  left  the  city  and  took  refuge  in  the  mountains.  The  Mexicans, 
however,  being  ahead  of  them,  captured  and  killed  them  as  they  came. 

The  Tepanecans,  seeing  how  badly  the  day  had  gone  for  them,  climbed  a 
very  high  mountain  and  from  there,  crossing  their  hands,  began  to  plead  and 
beg  the  Mexicans  to  stop  killing  and  wounding  them,  promising  to  give  up  their 
arms  and  to  acknowledge  themselves  as  conquered.  They  said  that  they  were 
exhausted  from  fatigue  and  from  their  recent  hardships  and  that  they  wished 
rest  and  a  chance  to  catch  breath  and  that  the  revenge  the  Mexicans  had 
already  taken  ought  to  suffice. 

The  Mexicans  answered  them:  "We  will  not  pardon  you,  traitors,  until 
nothing  be  left  of  the  land  called  Coyohuacan.  This  day  we  shall  annihilate 
you  and  level  your  city  to  the  ground  so  that  no  vestige  of  it  shall  remain, 
no  vestige  of  the  traitors  who  conspired,  provoked,  and  incited  other  nations  to 
destroy  us!"  To  this  the  latter  replied:  "What  have  you  to  gain  by  anni 
hilating  us?  Let  what  you  have  done  suffice.  You  will  have  slaves  and  people 


104  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.      [Vol.  17 

paying  tribute  in  perpetuity,  people  to  give  you  houses,  clothes  and  food  as 
you  desire  and  command. ' ' 

The  Mexicans  insisted  that  there  should  be  no  quarter  given  and  answered 
resolutely  that  they  remembered  the  female  clothes  they  had  been  forced  to 
wear  and  that  this  insult  and  affront  could  never  be  forgiven.  The  Tepanecans 
upon  hearing  this  said  that  they  realized  their  guilt  and  asked  the  Mexicans 
with  tears  in  their  eyes  to  pardon  them,  and  to  have  pity  upon  them,  promising 
to  serve  them  and  to  work  for  them  until  death.  Then  the  Mexicans  lowered 
their  arms  and  stopped  the  carnage.  Atlacaellel  immediately  ordered  the 
Mexican  people  to  retire,  for  they  had  been  very  much  wrought  up  against  the 
Tepanecans,  having  pursued  the  enemy  for  more  than  ten  leagues  from  the  city, 
over  rocks  and  crags. 

United  the  Mexicans  returned  with  their  general  to  the  city  of  Mexico, 
victorious  and  laden  with  rich  and  magnificent  spoils:  slaves,  gold,  jewels, 
shields,  objects  made  of  rich  feathers,  dresses,  and  many  other  objects  of  great 
price  and  value.  Tlacaellel  and  his  three  companions  first  made  use  in  this 
war  of  a  new  artifice,  namely,  the  cutting  off  of  a  lock  of  hair  from  each  of  the 
prisoners  captured  and  the  taking  of  these  (war  trophies)  to  the  common  people 
to  have  them  well  guarded  by  them.  This  they  did  in  order  to  determine  the 
number  of  people  they  had  captured  single-handed.  It  was  twice  the  number 
captured  by  all  the  other  people  together. 

On  account  of  their  achievements  in  this  war  the  above-mentioned  men 
received  so  much  honor  and  such  a  reputation  for  bravery  that  their  fame  alone 
was  a  sufficient  guarantee  and  guerdon  of  their  deeds.  They  themselves  seemed 
quite  content  with  this,  but  King  Itzcohuatl,  in  addition,  rewarded  them  and 
singled  them  out  from  among  others  in  the  apportionment  of  the  land  and 
spoils  of  Coyohuacan,  always  showing  most  favor  to  the  valorous  Tlacaellel, 
whom  he  justly  regarded  as  the  real  cause  and  author  of  the  prosperity  and 
expansion  of  the  nation.  The  Mexican  nation  was  always  particularly  careful 
to  reward,  in  full,  its  valorous  men,  those  who  distinguished  themselves  in  war 
and  those  who  devoted  their  lives  to  deeds  of  virtue,  as  we  shall  be  able  to 
indicate  on  many  an  occasion  in  the  progress  of  this  account. 

With  this  last  victory  and  that  over  Azcaputzalco  the  Mexican  people 
occupied  a  position  of  great  importance  and  were  feared  by  all  the  others. 
For  had  they  not  conquered  and  subdued  the  Tepanecan  nation,  which,  as 
mentioned  above,  was  regarded  as  the  strongest  power  (in  the  land),  a  people 
who  had  ruled  over  all  the  land?  For  this  reason  the  Mexicans  became  very 
haughty  and  developed  mighty  ambitions.  They  began  to  discuss  the  question 
of  titles  and  patents  of  nobility  equivalent  to  what  other  people  call  dukes, 
counts,  marquises,  governors,  admirals,  etc.  To  put  into  execution  this  new 
development,  Tlacaellel  took  the  matter  in  hand  and  proposed  to  the  king 
Itzcohuatl  how  he  was  to  act  in  this  matter,  for  Tlacaellel  besides  being 
courageous  was  likewise  skillful  and  ingenious,  and  while  he  lived  all  the  kings 
followed  his  advice,  relying  upon  him  as  the  oracle  and  coadjutor  of  their 
government. 

After  listening  to  the  request  of  Tlacaellel,  the  king  acceded  quite  willingly, 
and  taking  his  advice  he  created  seigneurs  and  nobles  for  his  kingdom  in  the 
following  order:  first  it  was  commanded  that  the  statute  they  were  about  to 
make  be  in  perpetual  force.  The  statute  was  to  this  effect,  that  after  electing 
the  king  they  were  to  elect  four  seigneurs,  the  nearest  brothers  and  relatives 
of  the  said  king,  and  that  these  were  to  have  the  titles  of  princes.  The  titles 
to  be  given  to  these  four  wrere  as  follows:  the  first  to  be  tlacochcalcatl,  composed 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       105 

of  calcatl,  which  means  the-owner-of-a-house,  and  tlacochtli,  dart  or  pointed 
staff.  The  second  title  was  to  be  tlacatecatl,  composed  of  tlacatl,  a  person,  and 
the  verb  tequi,  to  cut  or  pare,  so  that  tlacatecatl  would  mean,  the-cutter-or-parer- 
of-men.  The  third  title  was  Ezhuahuacatl,  composed  of  eztli,  blood,  and  the 
verb  huahuana,  to  scrape  or  scratch,  so  that  together  ezhuahuacatl  would  mean, 
prodigal-of-scraped-or-scratched-blood.  The  fourth  title  was  tlillancalqui,  com 
posed  of  tlilli,  a  kind  of  grime,  and  of  calli,  house,  so  that  Tlillancalqui  means 
lord-of-the-house-of-grime.  This  was  a  title  of  great  honor,  for  they  used  soot 
and  grime  in  their  idolatries  and  even  had  a  god  presiding  over  it,  as  will  be 
described  in  its  proper  place. 

After  deciding  who  were  to  be  the  people  with  the  titles  of  princes,  they 
were  to  establish  a  supreme  court,  without  whose  approval  nothing  was  to  be 
done.  On  the  death  of  a  king,  his  successor  was  to  be  selected  from  among 
four  princes  and  from  among  no  others,  for,  as  above  indicated,  the  sons  of 
kings  never  inherited  the  latter 's  position.  That  position  was  determined  by 
election  and  was  given  to  one  of  these  four  princes.  Again,  never  did  any  of 
their  sons  inherit  their  respective  titles  and  dignities,  but  upon  the  death  of 
any  one  of  them  a  person  was  elected  who  appeared  competent  to  fill  the  place. 
Thus  there  were  always  plenty  of  people  in  the  state  competent  to  rule,  for 
the  bravest  were  always  elected.  After  electing  these  four  princes  they  gave 
other  titles  to  the  remaining  leaders  and  captains  according  to  each  man's 
valor  and  courage.  However,  in  order  not  to  overburden  these  pages  with  too 
much  detail,  I  shall  omit  them  here,  for  from  those  I  have  mentioned  the  nature 
of  the  other  titles  can  be  inferred.  Through  these  changes  the  Mexican  kingdom 
became  highly  organized  and  also  came  to  occupy  a  high  position. 

While  the  Mexicans  were  thus  prospering,  the  people  of  Xuchimilco,  a  very 
large  province,  populous  and  abounding  in  food  and  riches,  seeing  their  friends 
and  neighbors,  the  Tepanecans,  conquered  and  subjected,  feared  that  it  would 
not  be  long  before  they  too  would  meet  with  the  same  fate.  Thus  without  any 
justification,  so  far  as  the  Mexicans  were  concerned,  and  solely  through  fear, 
they  began  to  worry,  although  the  Mexicans  always  treated  them  with  great 
affection,  frequenting  their  markets  in  the  most  friendly  way  and  always 
showing  themselves  frank  and  open  in  their  intercourse  with  them.  However, 
this  did  not  apparently  reassure  the  Xuchimilcans,  for  their  uneasiness  increased 
every  day,  an  uneasiness  due  entirely  to  the  working  of  their  own  imaginations. 

Finally  they  called  a  meeting  of  their  people.  Some  were  in  favor  of 
adjusting  matters  with  the  Mexicans  without  war,  while  others  were  opposed 
and  favored  a  declaration  of  war.  At  this  juncture  a  man  arose  who  spoke 
with  so  much  fire  and  arrogance  that  he  finally  persuaded  the  entire  assemblage 
to  declare  war. 

Having  thus  determined  upon  war,  the  people  of  Xuchimilco  began  to  show 
by  words  and  deeds  their  intense  enmity.  The  king  of  Mexico  at  first  over 
looked  it,  treating  them  always  in  a  peaceful  and  friendly  manner.  Finally, 
however,  the  arrogance  of  the  Xuchimilcans  reached  such  a  height  that  the 
brave  Itzcohuatl  decided  to  go  forth  and  meet  them  in  battle.  The  valorous 
captain-general  Tlacaellel  notified  all  his  soldiers  and  captains,  arranged  every 
thing  in  proper  order,  and  delivered  a  speech  to  them  in  that  elegant  manner 
which  only  he  possessed,  giving  them  advice  and  telling  them  of  the  important 
stratagems  of  war,  matters  in  which  he  was  exceedingly  ingenious  and  astute. 
Then,  receiving  permission  from  the  king,  he  set  out. 

The  enemy,  knowing  that  the  Mexican  army  was  on  the  move,  did  not  delay 
in  making  preparations  and  in  putting  their  army  on  a  fighting  basis.  Then 


106  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

their  lord  and  principal  chief  delivered  an  address  to  them,  saying  that  it  was 
a  shame  that  men  like  the  Mexicans,  a  people  of  low  birth  and  with  little 
standing,  should  have  prevailed  against  the  greatest  people  and  the  most 
enlightened  of  the  world,  their  allies  and  relatives;  and  that  these  Mexicans, 
in  their  presence  and  before  them,  should  glory  in  their  deeds;  that  consequently 
they,  the  Xuchimilcans,  were  to  invest  themselves  with  the  courage  and  the 
hearts  of  wild  animals  and  destroy  the  whole  Mexican  nation. 

The  people  of  Xuchimilco,  spurred  on  by  this  speech,  marched  forward  with 
the  greatest  bravery,  dressed  in  their  gorgeous  war  attire,  for  they  were  a  very 
wealthy  and  valorous  nation.  Both  armies  clashed  on  an  enormous  plain  at 
the  boundary  of  each  other's  territory.  There  the  valorous  Tlacaellel  began 
to  distribute  his  captains  with  great  discretion  and  judgment. 

The  enemy,  relying  upon  their  large  numbers,  were  grouped  merely  in  a 
rough  way,  no  particular  organization  being  observed.  The  Mexican  army 
therefore  broke  through  them  in  a  short  time,  with  little  loss  to  themselves  and 
inflicting  terrible  slaughter  upon  the  enemy.  The  latter,  seeing  the  field  full 
of  their  dead,  began  to  retreat  hastily  with  the  Mexicans  in  pursuit,  who  pursued 
them  until  the  people  of  Xuchimilco  took  refuge  in  their  city.  The  Mexicans 

7  followed,  continuing  their  carnage  and  slaughter  and  seized  the  temple,  to 

which  they  immediately  set  fire.  The  Xuchimilcans  then  fled  again  and  were 
pursued  as  far  as  the  mountains. 

There  the  captains  and  lords  of  Xuchimilco,  quite  exhausted,  decided  to 
surrender  and  ask  for  clemency.  They  appeared  before  the  Mexicans,  coming 
down  the  mountain  with  their  hands  crossed,  and  promised  to  surrender  their 
lands  and  to  accept  bondage  in  perpetuity.  At  first,  in  order  to  frighten  them 
more,  Tlacaellel  appeared  rather  obstinate  and  deaf  to  their  entreaties,  but 
>-  finally,  realizing  how  weak  they  were,  he  took  pity  upon  them.  He  immediately 
sounded  a  signal  on  a  little  drum  which  he  carried  suspended  from  his  shoulders 
and  all  the  soldiers  lowered  their  arms  and  ceased  fighting. 

They  returned  to  the  city,  quite  satisfied  and  proud,  laden  with  great  spoils 
and  captives.  There  their  king  Itzcohuatl  came  out  with  great  pomp  to  receive 
them,  accompanied  by  all  the  dignitaries  and  priests  of  the  temple,  some  of 
the  latter  playing  upon  flutes  of  different  kinds,  while  others  sprayed  Tlacaellel 
and  his  captains  with  incense,  as  they  entered  at  the  head  of  the  army,  accom 
panied  by  many  prisoners  and  spoils.  Together  with  the  king  they  went  to  the 
temple  to  render  thanks  to  their  god,  to  whom,  at  the  same  time,  they  made 
great  offerings  of  slaves,  clothes,  and  jewels  for  the  victories  he  had  granted 
them.  That  night  the  city  was  illuminated  so  that  it  looked  like  midday  and 
feasts  and  dances  were  given  everywhere. 

The  following  day  Itzcohuatl  went  to  Xuchimilco  with  all  his  captains  and 
soldiers  and  there  he  was  received  in  great  triumph  by  the  conquered  people. 
Then  having  eaten  and  rested,  he  apportioned  the  lands  of  Xuchimilco  among 
his  own  people,  giving  the  best  always  to  the  great  captain  Tlacaellel  and  the 
rest  to  the  others  according  to  their  deserts,  as  we  have  indicated  above. 

Then  the  people  of  Xuchimilco  began  to  weep,  admitting  that  they  had 
merited  being  dispossessed  and  that  they  were  now  justly  paying  for  their 
arrogance  and  madness  in  having  gone  out  of  their  way  to  provoke  a  people 
who  had  never  offended  them.  Then  they  all  swore  obedience  to  the  king  and 
the  lords  of  Mexico,  arid  he,  seeing  them  so  sad,  consoled  them  and  spoke  kindly 
to  them.  On  this  account  the  people  of  Xuchimilco  were  very  grateful. 

On  leaving,  the  king  ordered  them  to  build  a  highway  through  the  middle 
of  the  lagoon,  covering  the  four  leagues  between  Mexico  and  Xuchimilco,  so 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Anoient  Mexicans       107  . 

that  thereby  the  trade  and  commerce  between  these  two  peoples  might  be 
facilitated.  They  did  this  with  such  good  grace  and  loyalty  that  the  king 
Itzcohuatl  began  to  cover  them  with  honors  and  even  admitted  some  of  them 
as  nobles  of  his  court.  Indeed,  so  well  were  they  treated  that  the  people  of 
Xuchimilco  considered  themselves  fortunate  in  having  been  conquered  by  such 
a  good  king.  This  war  is  represented  in  the  following  manner: 

A  great  ~battle  between  the  Mexicans  and  the  people  of  Xuchimilco  under 
the  command  of  the  king  of  Mexico,  Itzcohuatl,  and  the  great  captain 
Tlacaellel,  in  which  the  people  of  Xuchimilco  were  forced  to  yield  to  the 
Mexicans  after  an  enormous  number  of  Xuchimilcans  had  been  killed. 

To  such  a  point  had  the  Mexicans  now  risen  by  the  capture  of  Xuchimilco 
that  all  the  other  people  were  afraid  to  provoke  them,  although  there  were 
many  relatives  and  neighbors  of  the  conquered  people  who  were  evilly  enough 
disposed  toward  the  Mexicans,  and  who  were  doubtless  trying  to  devise  some 
means  by  which  they  could  injure  them.  However,  an  evil  fate  generally  befell 
them,  such  as  befell  the  people  of  Cuitlahuac,  the  neighbors  of  the  Xuchimilcans, 
whose  city  was  on  the  lagoon.  Because  they  lived  on  the  lagoon  these  people 
were  expert  in  all  things  pertaining  to  the  water.  They  ventured  to  provoke 
the  Mexicans,  thinking  that  the  latter  were  only  valorous  on  land  and  that  on 
the  water  they  would  be  able  to  prevail  against  them. 

They  began  to  show  their  enmity  to  the  Mexicans  in  the  accustomed  manner, 
interfering  with  the  trade  of  the  merchants  and  with  their  intercourse  with 
Mexico  as  mentioned  before.  Their  neighbors,  seeing  this,  admonished  them  not 
to  be  so  rash,  but  they  with  their  silly  notions  continued  their  annoyances  until 
they  provoked  the  Mexicans.  The  king,  noticing  that  the  people  of  Cuitlahuac 
had  unfriendly  intentions,  told  Tlacaellel,  his  captain-general,  to  get  together 
his  captains  and  his  soldiers  and  to  make  war  upon  Cuitlahuac.  But  the  latter 
merely  laughed,  confident  in  his  strength,  and  said:  ' '  Most  powerful  king, 
why  should  you  let  a  skirmish  of  such  little  importance  worry  you?  Why  should 
you  think  that  the  entire  strength  of  the  Mexican  army  is  necessary  to  attend 
to  it?  Do  not  worry;  be  at  your  ease  and  I,  with  the  boys  of  our  city,  will 
settle  this  matter. ' ' 

Thereupon  Tlacaellel  together  with  the  king  entered  the  retreat  of  the  youths 
in  the  temple  and  from  among  the  boys  there  took  some  of  their  relatives  and 
some  of  the  sons  of  the  chiefs  who  showed  desire  for  such  an  exploit.  They 
also  took  all  the  youths  between  the  years  of  seventeen  and  eighteen  who  knew 
how  to  manage  a  boat,  and  when  these  were  brought  together  they  were  armed 
and  instmcted.  Then  Tlacaellel  accompanied  them  and,  going  in  the  direction 
of  Cuitlahuac,  they  attacked  this  place  by  land  and  by  sea  with  such  cunning 
and  skill  that  before  the  enemy  could  come  forward  he  and  the  young  men 
were  upon  them  and  in  a  few  hours  they  were  put  to  flight  and  many  of  them 
captured. 

The  king  of  Cuitlahuac,  seeing  this,  reasoned  that  if  his  people  could  be 
conquered  by  a  handful  of  boys,  it  would  be  foolhardy  to  wait  for  the  main 
Mexican  army  to  strike,  for  then  they  would  most  assuredly  be  wiped  off  the 
face  of  the  earth.  He  therefore  determined  to  surrender  to  Tlacaellel  and 
make  his  obeisance  to  the  crown  of  Mexico.  Provided  with  rich  presents,  he 
sallied  forth  just  when  Tlacaellel  was  furiously  marching  at  the  head  of  his 
troops.  The  ruler  of  Cuitlahuac,  on  meeting  him,  prostrated  himself,  beseeching 
him  to  soften  his  wrath  and  recalling  to  him  that  they  were  all  one  now,  since 


108  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

he  had  of  his  own  free  will  surrendered  and  offered  himself  and  his  people  as 
vassals  of  his  Mexican  majesty  and  as  servants  of  their  great  god  Huitzilo- 
puchtli.  Tlacaellel  had  perforce  to  be  appeased  by  this  and  he  realized  that 
he  was  obliged  to  accept,  with  good  grace.  For  that  reason  he  honored  and 
acceded  to  the  king's  petition. 

Then  Tlacaellel  returned  to  the  city  with  the  young  men,  laden  with  riches 
and  gifts  and  with  numerous  slaves  for  the  sacrifices.  This  exploit  became 
known  all  over  the  land,  particularly  because  it  had  been  achieved  by  young 
men  who,  in  addition  to  being  young,  were  quite  inexperienced  in  warfare.  For 
that  reason  the  whole  world  went  to  see  them  enter  the  city.  They  entered  in 
great  triumph,  accompanied  by  their  captains.  The  king  and  his  court  received 
them  with  tears  of  joy,  embracing  them  and  praising  them.  Their  parents  and 
those  relatives  who  had  come  to  see  them  did  the  same.  Then  the  priests, 
according  to  the  ancient  customs,  came  forward  at  the  king's  command,  playing 
on  their  flutes  and  spraying  incense  (in  all  directions)  and  celebrating  in  songs 
the  victory  of  the  young  men.  Many  trumpets  were  blown  and  many  shell 
instruments  and  drums  resounded  in  the  temples  and  thus,  so  received,  did  they 
all  enter  and  give  thanks  to  their  idol.  There  before  him  they  performed  their 
usual  ceremonies,  bowing,  taking  earth  from  the  ground  in  their  fingers  and 
eating  it,  and  drawing  blood  from  their  shins,  and  from  the  calves  of  their  legs 
and  from  their  ears.  This  was  the  manner  in  which  all  those  who  returned 
from  victorious  battles  were  received  and  such  was  the  adoration  they  paid  to 
their  deity. 

The  whole  land  was  so  filled  with  admiration  at  the  achievement  of  these 
youths  that  even  the  powerful  king  of  Tetzcuco  became  thoroughly  frightened 
and  decided  to  subject  himself  to  the  king  of  Mexico,  without  having  been 
vanquished  in  battle,  in  order  that  he  might  become  a  member  of  the  latter 's 
court.  All  his  councillors  agreed  with  him  when  he  made  this  suggestion  and 
a  number  of  people,  chiefs  and  well-known  orators,  were  selected  as  ambassadors 
(to  go  to  Mexico).  This  latter  nation,  as  we  said  before,  excels  in  its  orators. 
As  representatives  of  the  king  of  Tetzcuco  they  went  to  the  king  of  Mexico 
provided  with  valuable  gifts  and  presents.  Arrived  before  King  Itzcohuatl, 
they  presented  the  gifts  sent  by  their  king  and  said  as  follows: 

11  Supreme  and  powerful  ruler,  so  manifest  is  your  fortune  and  destiny  and 
also  the  fact  that  the  creator  of  the  world  has  selected  you  to  be  the  monarch 
and  ruler  of  all  the  world  that  there  is  no  person  with  the  slightest  under 
standing  who  does  not  realize  that  this  cannot  be  prevented,  so  clearly  has  it 
been  shown  by  the  more  than  human  victories  which  the  all-powerful  has 
vouchsafed  you.  The  wise  men  of  our  house  and  the  kingdom  of  Tetzcuco, 
realizing  this,  have  decided  to  obey  the  wish  of  the  supreme  creator  and  (so 
we  have  come)  to  profess  allegiance  to  you  and  (to  inform  you  that)  we  accept 
your  king  as  our  emperor  and  supreme  lord. ' ' 

King  Itzcohuatl  was  more  than  satisfied  with  the  words  of  the  embassy  and 
answered  graciously.  He  ordered  the  messengers  to  be  seated  and  honored 
them  and  treated  them  like  his  own  person,  telling  them  that  they  should  rest 
and  that  on  the  following  day  he  would  give  them  a  reply.  That  night  he 
called  his  great  captain  Tlacaellel,  for  he  never  did  anything  without  his  advice, 
and  laying  the  matter  before  him  asked  for  his  opinion.  Tlacaellel,  somewhat 
puffed  up  by  his  great  victories,  told  the  king  that  his  answer  would  be  war, 
for  just  as  they  had  conquered  the  others  so  they  would  be  able  to  conquer  all 
the  peoples  of  the  world. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       109 

As  a  matter  of  policy,  however,  (he  was  of  the  opinion)  that  the  Tetzcucans 
should  feign  w^ar  upon  the  Mexicans  and  that  the  latter  should  proceed  to  battle 
with  all  possible  war-like  preparations;  that  there  they  should  feign  fighting 
and,  without  inflicting  any  injury  upon  one  another,  the  Tetzcucans  should 
surrender  to  the  Mexicans.  This  was  done  as  Tlacaellel  had  suggested.  From 
that  time  on  the  people  of  Tetzuco  were  befriended  and  loved  by  all  the 
Mexicans  and  were  regarded  as  relatives  and  brothers.  Nothing  ever  came 
between  them.  The  ruler  of  Tetzcuco  became  the  councillor  in  perpetuity  of 
the  king  of  Mexico,  and  to  such  a  degree  was  this  true  that  the  latter  would 
embark  on  no  enterprize  of  importance  without  his  advice.  The  king  of  Mexico 
granted  the  Tetzcucans  great  privileges. 

After  the  submission  of  the  king  of  Tetzcuco,  the  king  of  Mexico,  Itzcohuatl, 
was  established  as  the  ruler  of  all  the  districts  around  the  lagoon.  To  such  a 
height  was  the  kingdom  of  Mexico  now  raised.  About  this  time  the  valiant 
king  Itzcohuatl  fell  ill  and  died,  after  a  reign  of  twelve  years. 

All  the  people  of  the  realm  felt  great  sorrow  at  the  death  of  their  valiant 
king.  They  had  loved  him  and  been  attached  to  him,  for  he  had  governed  them 
gently.  The  burial  and  funeral  ceremonies  were  performed  in  the  manner  we 
shall  describe  later  in  the  book  in  the  section  on  rites  and  ceremonies. 

After  weeping  and  mourning  for  their  kind  king  the  valiant  captain 
Tlacaellel  called  together  the  members  of  the  supreme  council  and  the  kings 
of  Tetzcuco  and  Tacuba — the  latter  now  also  one  of  the  electors — and  all 
proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  new  king.  One  of  the  electors  then  arose  in  the 
midst  of  the  senate  and  discussed  the  purpose  for  which  they  had  come  together 
with  great  positiveness  and  eloquence,  speaking  as  follows: 

"The  light  that  illumined  our  lives  has  been  extinguished.  The  voice  whose 
breath  moved  our  state  has  become  mute,  has  joined  the  dead.  The  mirror 
into  which  we  all  gazed  has  become  darkened.  Yet,  my  illustrious  colleagues, 
it  is  not  fitting  that  this  realm  should  remain  in  darkness  any  longer.  It  is 
about  time  that  a  new  sun  should  emerge  to  shed  its  lustre  upon  us. 

"Do  you  therefore  cast  your  eyes  about  among  our  princes  and  nobles,  those 
who  have  sprung  from  our  late  king.  There  you  will  find  many  from  whom 
you  may  choose.  But  who  shall  it  be,  O  Mexicans?  Who  will  follow  most 
surely  in  the  footsteps  of  our  late  good  king?  Who  will  conserve  for  us  what 
he  has  gained,  imitate  him  in  protecting  the  orphan,  the  widow,  the  little  ones 
and  the  poor?  Tell  us  those  of  the  princes  whom  you  have  particularly  noticed 
and  thought  of?" 

Such  words,  to  which  others  are  frequently  added,  are  always  used  at 
elections  and  any  other  state  affairs  that  come  up. 

After  this  speech,  Mutecuczoma,  the  first  of  that  name  and  cousin  of 
Tlacaellel,  was  elected  without  any  difficulty.  He  was  a  valiant  prince,  wise 
and  spirited.  At  his  election  new  ceremonies  and  feasts  were  held  and  a 
greater  display  and  show  took  place  than  had  been  the  custom  with  any  of 
the  past  rulers,  for  the  Mexican  realm  was  now  rich  and  powerful.  Immediately 
upon  his  election  Mutecuczoma,  accompanied  by  a  great  throng,  was  carried  to 
the  temple,  and  before  the  sacred  brazier  he  was  dressed  in  the  royal  vestments 
and  presented  with  the  royal  regalia.  Then,  taking  some  needles  made  of  tiger 
and  deer  bones,  he  offered  sacrifices  of  blood  to  his  idol  by  pricking  his  ears, 
the  calves  of  his  legs,  and  his  shins.  The  elders,  priests,  nobles,  and  captains 
were  all  present  and  delivered  speeches  and  offered  up  prayers.  They  all 
congratulated  the  newly  elected  king  upon  his  election. 


110  University  of  California  Publication  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

Upon  the  election  of  their  kings  great  rejoicings  generally  occurred.  Day 
and  night  great  banquets  were  given  and  dances  performed,  and  at  night  there  were 

/splendid  illuminations. 
/  It  was  during  the  reign  of  this  king  that  the  custom  was  introduced  of  having 

jU  the  newly  elected  king  go  in  person  to  wage  war  and  bring  home  captives  who 

were  to  be  used  in  the  solemn  sacrifices.  From  that  time  on  such  was  the  law 
and  it  remained  an  inviolable  statute.  The  king  in  question  performed,  this 
duty  excellently.  At  the  head  of  his  troops  he  went  to  wage  war  upon  the 
province  of  Chalco,  which  had  declared  its  hostility  to  the  Mexicans.  There 
he  fought  valorously  and  brought  back  with  him  many  captives,  who  were 
solemnly  sacrificed  on  the  day  of  his  coronation.  He  did  not  at  that  time 
conquer  the  people  of  Chalco,  for  they  were  the  most  powerful  and  valiant 
people  whom  the  Mexicans  had  hitherto  encountered.  They  were  only  conquered 
with  the  greatest  difficulty,  as  will  be  shown  afterwards. 

Everyone  in  the  kingdom  and  many  visitors  from  distant  lands  generally 
came  to  witness  the  coronation  of  a  king.  Numerous  splendid  feasts  were 
given,  and  sacrifices  made,  and  abundant  and  expensive  food  was  given  to 
everyone.  All,  especially  the  poor,  were  clothed.  On  that  day,  likewise,  all 
the  tributes  of  the  king  were  carried,  in  great  pomp,  through  the  city.  These 
tributes  were  numerous  and  valuable  and  consisted  of  clothes  of  all  kinds, 
cacao,  which  was  used  as  a  kind  of  money  and  greatly  esteemed  there,  gold, 
silver,  rich  feathers,  great  quantities  of  cotton,  chili,  melon  seeds,  and  many 
other  products  of  the  land,  different  species  of  fish,  shrimps  from  the  seaports, 
large  quantities  of  fruit,  and  game  without  number,  in  addition  to  innumerable 
presents  which  the  neighboring  kings  and  nobles  brought  to  the  new  king.  All 
these  tributes  were  brought  by  groups  of  carriers  and  arranged  according  to  the 
provinces.  They  were  taken  before  an  official,  a  collector  of  imposts  and  before 
mayordomos  of  different  grades.  Such  was  the  quantity  and  such  the  orderly 
arrangement  in  which  these  tributes  were  brought  that  their  entry  (into  the 
city)  was  as  great  a  sight  as  the  feasts  themselves.  Now  that  was  the  order 
of  proceedings  observed  at  the  coronation  of  the  Mexican  kings. 

After  this  powerful  king  had  thus  been  crowned,  he  conquered  great  stretches 
of  the  country  on  the  other  side  of  th©  sierra  nevada  and  other  sections  of  the 
country  extending  from  sea  to  sea,  performing  great  deeds  deserving  of  re 
membrance,  through  the  efficiency  of  his  general  Tlacaellel,  for  whom  he  always 
entertained  the  deepest  affection. 

The  war  which  caused  him  most  trouble  was  that  against  the  province  of 
Chalco,  for,  as  we  have  said  before,  the  people  of  that  province  were  almost  as 
brave  as  the  Mexicans,  and  for  that  reason  much  time  was  required  in  subju 
gating  them.  In  this  war  many  important  events  took  place  and  deeds  of  great 
valor  were  performed,  among  which  one  is  especially  worthy  of  preservation. 
It  happened  that  a  number  of  Mexicans  were  captured  by  the  Chalcans,  among 
them  a  brother  of  the  king.  They  recognized  his  rank  by  the  manner  in  which 
he  bore  himself  and  by  his  authoritative  air.  After  taking  him  prisoner  they 
wished  to  elect  him  king,  and  when  the  embassy  (which  was  to  offer  him  this 
position)  arrived  he  received  them  graciously  and  answered  that  if  they  wished 
him  to  be  their  king  they  should  pile  up  wood  as  high  as  they  could  and  on  the 
summit  of  the  pile  they  should  erect  a  scaffold. 

The  Chalcans,  thinking  that  this  was  a  method  of  elevating  him  to  the 
kingship,  obeyed  him  and  built  in  their  plaza  a  very  high  pile  of  wood,  placing 
on  the  summit  a  scaffold  (as  directed).  Below  at  the  foot  of  the  woodpile 
were  placed  the  other  captives,  while  the  brother  of  the  Mexican  king  ascended 


1920]       Radin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       111 

the  structure.  Arrived  at  the  top,  he  took  some  flowers  in  his  hand  while  the 
Chalcans  stood  intent  upon  what  he  was  preparing  to  say.  Then  he  began  to 
sing  and  dance  and  spoke  as  follows  to  his  companions:  "Brave  Mexicans, 
they  wish  to  make  me  their  king.  Yet  the  gods  will  not  permit  me  to  go  to  a 
foreign  country  and  to  become  a  traitor  to  my  own  country.  I  was  not  raised 
on  the  soil  of  Chalco  nor  am  I  of  their  blood.  For  that  reason  before  the  . 
enemy  kills  us  let  us  destroy  ourselves.  So  do  ye  behold  me,  for  I  will  give  you 
the  example. ' '  So  speaking  he  threw  himself  from  the  summit  and  fell,  crushed 
to  pieces,  below.  The  Chalcans  stood  aghast  and  dazed.  Then  immediately 
seizing  their  Mexican  captives  they  killed  them,  shouting,  "Let  them  die,  let 
a  people  with  such  demoniac  hearts  perish !  ' '  This  event  is  painted  in  the 
following  manner: 

The  people  of  Chalco,  having  captured  some  Mexicans  in  battle,  among 
them  a  brother  of  the  king  Itzcohuatl,  wished  to  elect  him  king ;  and  he  not 
desiring  to  be  (their  Icing}  and  become  a  traitor,  threw  himself  from  a  high  * 

wooden  structure  and  was  dashed  to  pieces.    It  was  a  very  painful  sight. 

The  Chalcans  regarded  this  happening  as  an  augury  that  they  were  to  be 
conquered  by  the  Mexicans,  for  it  is  said  that  even  on  that  very  night  two  owls 
appeared  and  hooted  to  each  other  in  the  Mexican  language  to  the  effect, — that 
Chalco  was  going  to  be  destroyed.  In  fact,  the  king  of  Mexico  (afterwards) 
conducted  the  war  in  person  and  using  his  complete  power  destroyed  that 
valorous  nation  and,  as  we  have  mentioned  before,  crossed  the  boundary  of  the 
sierra  nevada  and  subjugated  all  the  peoples  living  in  that  region;  then  turning 
south  he  proceeded  to  conquer  all  the  peoples  of  the  tierra  caliente  called 
Tlahuicas.  He  extended  his  power  over  almost  all  the  nations  (of  the  land). 

It  was  on  the  advice  of  Tlacaellel  that  he  never  expressed  any  desire  to 
subjugate  the  province  of  Tlaxcalla,  which  he  could  have  done  with  the  greatest  of 
ease.  The  reason  Tlacaellel  gave  was  that  he  wished  to  retain  a  frontier  where 
the  young  warriors  could  exercise  (their  war-like  proclivities),  receive  instruction 
and  become  efficient  in  the  art  of  warfare  for  conquests  'of  greater  importance, 
and  also  that  they  might  obtain,  whenever  needed,  captives  for  sacrifices  to 
their  gods.  This  last  custom  had  become  a  permanent  one. 

Tlacaellel  had  by  this  time  become  a  man  of  great  wisdom  and  experience. 
It  was  through  his  advice  and  by  his  work  that  the  king  Motecuzuma,  first  of 
that  name,  brought  order  and  control  into  all  parts  of  the  state.  He  estab 
lished  almost  as  many  councils  as  there  were  in  Spain.  He  established  con 
sistories  that  were  like  audiencias  of  judges  (oidores),  court  judges  (alcaldes), 
and  other  subordinate  officials  such  as  corregidores,  alcaldes,  may  ores,  tenientes, 
alguaciles  mayores  and  inferiores,  all  of  these  so  admirably  unified  that  each  one 
specializing  in  different  matters  was  subordinated  to  the  others,  so  that  there 
were  no  obstructions  and  no  confusion,  in  spite  of  the  great  diversity  of  matters 
treated. 

The  highest  tribunal  was  the  council  of  the  four  princes  who  met  with  the 
king.  (The  lower  courts)  rendered  decisions  in  matters  of  small  importance 
and  aJways  presented  a  memorial  about  the  matter  to  the  higher  council  and 
these  latter  notified  the  king  of  it  (and  of)  whatever  else  had  taken  place  and 
been  done  in  the  kingdom.  Thus  did  the  king,  on  the  advice  and  under  the 
direction  of  the  wise  Tlacaellel,  bring  order  into  his  house  and  court;  appointing 
officials  to  serve  as  mayordomos,  porters,  and  lackeys  without  number  and 
mastresalas,  and  (for  affairs  other  than  these)  he  appointed  for  his  kingdom 


112  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

agents,  treasurers  and  land  officials.  All  these  were  charged  with  collecting 
the  tributes,  and  these  they  were  to  bring  to  him  at  least  once  every  month, 
as  indicated  above,  together  with  everything  that  came  from  the  land  and  the 
sea,  material  for  garments  as  well  as  food. 

A    similar    arrangement,    with    an    equally    large    number    of    officials,    was 

,    observed  in   the   church   hierarchy   connected   with   the   worship    of   the   idols. 

There  were  indeed  so  many  priests  of  the  highest  and  lowest  rank  that\some 

of  them  (afterwards)  assured  me  that  for  every  five  people  there  was  one  priest 

who  instructed  them  in  the  law  and  rites  of  their  religion.  .  .  . 

This  kino-,  ^loteciicxnnia  the  first  after  having  put  his  state  in  the  best  of 
order,  seeing  how  great  was  the  prosperity  of  Mexico,  decided  to  build  a  very 
sumptuous  temple  for  his  god  Huitzilopuchtli,  and  for  that  purpose  he  convoked 
all  the  people  of  his  kingdom  and  told  them  of  his  intention.  Then  he  planned 
the  temple  and  assigned  to  every  province  the  quota  (of  material  and  work) 
it  was  to  furnish.  In  a  short  time  everything  was  assembled  and  because  of 
the  large  amount  of  material  at  hand  and  the  large  number  of  people  (working 
at  it)  it  was  completed  in  a  short  time. 

So  desirous  was  the  emperor  of  distinguishing  himself  in  the  building  of 
this  temple  that  into  the  cement  holding  the  stones  together  it  is  affirmed 
many  jewels  and  precious  stones  were  thrown.  Upon  the  completion  of  the 
temple  even  greater  feasts  than  those  given  at  the  coronation  took  place. 
Numerous  captives  that  this  valorous  king  had  brought  home  were  sacrificed 
and  great  wealth  was  donated  to  the  temple,  as  was  consistent  with  the 
importance  of  so  great  an  empire. 

The  king  governed  with  such  gentleness  that  he  was  greatly  esteemed  and 
loved  by  all  his  vassals  and  even  those  peoples,  who  had  until  then  been  the 
enemies  of  the  Mexican  state  became  his  friends  and  entered  into  confederation 
with  him.  In  the  midst  of  this  peace  and  contentment  he  fell  seriously  ill  and 
soon  after  died,  leaving  his  entire  kingdom  disconsolate  and  in  mourning.  He 
had  reigned  twenty-eight  years.  In  great  sorrow  they  buried  him,  solemnly 
performing  the  obsequies  as  mentioned  before. 


The  first  ~king  named  Motecuczuma,  elected  ~by  the  great  captain  Tlaca 
ellel.     The  god,  Huitzilopuchtli  wqs  his  idol.    He  reigned  twenty-eight  years. 

After  the  funeral  the  captain-general  Tlacaellel,  who  was  still  alive,  called 
together  the  supreme  council  and  the  two  royal  electors  of  the  empire,  the 
rulers  of  Tetzcuco  and  Tacuba,  who — particularly  the  ruler  of  Tetzcuco — had 
the  right  to  crown  the  kings  of  Mexico.  After  they  had  assembled  they  again 
gave  expression  to  their  grief  at  the  loss  of  a  king  they  had  so  greatly  loved 
and  then  proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  new  king.  All  turned  to  the  brave 
Tlacaellel,  but,  as  upon  other  occasions,  he  refused,  giving  as  his  reason  that  it 
would  be  more  useful  to  the  state  to  have  a  king  and  a  coadjutor  who  would 
aid  the  former  as  he  had  done,  instead  of  simply  having  one  king.  He  was 
quite  right  in  this  respect,  for  with  his  ability  he  could  do  more  without  being 
king,  since  he  could  then  give  his  attention  to  many  things  which,  as  king,  he 
would  not  be  able  to  do.  However,  he  had  as  great,  if  not  greater,  authority 
than  the  king  himself,  for  he  was  respected  and  honored  and  served  and  had 
tributes  paid  to  him  just  as  if  he  were  the  king.  He  was  regarded  with  even 
greater  fear  (than  the  king),  for  no  authority  in  the  whole  kingdom  was 
superior  to  that  which  he  exercised.  He  used  the  tiara  and  insignia  of  a  king 
and  wore  them  publicly  as  often  as  the  kings  did.-  Consequently  it  was  really 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       113 

not  necessary  for  him  to  reign,  for  as  it  was  he  was  regarded  with  even  greater 
reverence  and  esteem  than  the  king. 

Since  he  did  not  care  to  accept  the  position  himself,  they  all  asked  him 
who  he  thought  should  reign,  and  he  gave  his  vote  to  his  nephew,  a  very  young 
man  named  Tizoccic,  son  of  the  late  king.  It  was  pointed  out  that  he  was  ^ 
still  young  and  that  his  shoulders  might  be  too  weak  for  so  heavy  a  burden  as 
that  of  the  Mexican  empire.  Tlacaellel  answered  that  he  was  still  there  and 
that  he  would  direct  and  instruct  him  as  he  had  done  the  preceding  kings. 
They  were  quite  satisfied  with  these  words  and  all  then  agreed  upon  the  election 
of  this  youth. 

Taking  him  they  carried  him  with  great  pomp  to  the  sacred  brazier  and 
there  he  performed  the  accustomed  sacrifices  and  was  addressed  (by  the  elders) 
and  given  the  accustomed  admonitions.  Then  they  pierced  his  nostrils  and 
inserted  an  emerald  and  clothing  him  in  his  royal  garments  seated  him  upon  the 
throne  in  the  manner  above  described.  (To  provide  captives)  for  his  coronation 
he  made  war  upon  a  certain  province*  that  had  rebelled  against  Mexico,  but  he 
showed  himself  somewhat  tirrrororrs  and  in  the  battle  more  of  his  people  were 
killed  than  there  were  captives  taken.  Thereupon  he  showed  a  certain  amount 
of  cowardice  and  returned  to  Mexico,  saying  that  he  had  now  enough  captives 
for  the  sacrifices  to  be  made  at  his  coronation  feast. 

Upon  his  return  to  the  city  he  was  received  with  great  solemnity  and 
crowned  amidst  the  accustomed  feasts,  although  the  Mexicans  were  discon 
tented  with  him  because  he  was  not  very  warlike.  He  reigned  four  years  with 
out  anything  memorable  happening  to  him  and  without  showing  any  fondness 
for  war.  Finally,  on  this  very  account,  the  Mexicans  hastened  his  end  by 
poisoning  him.  Thus  died  this  king  and  he  was  interred  with  the  accustomed 
rites  and  obsequies.  His  picture  is  that  which  follows. 

On  the  death  of  the  king  Motecuozoma,  tlie  captain-general  Tlacaellel, 
the  king  of  Tetzcueo  and  the  king  of  Tacuba,  wlwse  office  it  was  to  crown 
the  kings,  elected  as  second  king  a  nephew  of  Tlacaellel  named  Tizozic,  son 
of  the  dead  king  Motecuczuma.  He  reigned  four  years;  his  death  was 
precipitated  (by  poison}. 

The  council  and  the  royal  electors  met  again  for  the  election  of  a  new 
king  with  Tlacaellel,  who  was  still  alive,  although  a  very  old  man  and  who  had 
to  be  carried  in  a  chair  on  the  shoulders  of  servants  to  the  consistory  wheret 
the  election  was  to  take  place.  After  discussions  for  and  against  as  was  their 
custom,  they  elected  Axayaca,  the  son  of  the  first  Motecuczuma.  They  carried 
the  latter  to  the  consistory  in  great  pomp,  and  then  to  the  sacred  brazier,  where 
they  performed  the  accustomed  ceremonies  and  delivered  the  customary  orations. 

This  king  was  very  brave  and  much  inclined  to  warfare  and  from  no  war 
or  combat  had  he  ever  returned  without  the  rank  of  captain.  Before  the  newly 
elected  king  could  be  crowned  the  famous  and  wise  captain  Tlacaellel  fell  sick 
and  died.  On  his  deathbed  he  called  for  the  newly  elected  king  and  especially 
charged  him  with  the  care  of  his  sons,  particularly  the  older  one,  who  had 
given  evidence  of  great  valor  and  performed  remarkable  exploits. 

The  new  king,  in  order  to  console  him,  addressing  him  affectionately  and 
with  tears  in  his  eyes,  had  the  members  of  the  royal  council  called  and  then, 
as  they  all  stood  around  (the  sck  man's)  bed,  the  king  summoned  the  eldest 
son  of  Tlacaellel  and  there  in  the  presence  of  his  father  and  the  council  be^ 
stowed  upon  him  the  same  office  which  his  father  bore,  that  of  captain-general, 


114  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

the  second  in  importance  in  the  realm,  and  all  the  other  honors  which  his 
father  had  possessed.  Seeing  this,  the  old  man,  quite  contented,  died.  For 
him  the  most  solemn  of  obsequies  were  performed  and  the  most  sumptuous 
of  burials  given;  greater  than  those  for  any  king,  for  he  had  been  the  pro 
tection,  the  strong  rampart  of  the  great  Mexican  nation.  His  death  was  greatly 
regretted  and  the  entire  empire  was  thrown  into  deep  mourning.  So  great 
indeed  was  the  depression  that  the  king  found  it  necessary  to  bring  joy  into 
the  land  by  having  his  coronation  celebrated. 

The  new  king,  in  order  to  obtain  prisoners  for  the  sacrificial  ceremony  and 
for  the  feasts,  after  making  great  preparations  set  out  for  a  very  populous  and 
great  province  called  Tequantepec,  where  some  Mexican  merchants  and  mayor- 
dornos,  going  there  to  collect  tributes  for  the  great  king  of  Mexico,  had  been 
maltreated,  and  in  some  instances  killed.  In  addition  to  these  (misdemeanors), 
these  people  had  rebelled  against  the  royal  crown.  So  the  king  went  in  person 
to  restore  the  province,  taking  with  him  a  large  number  of  soldiers  from  all 
over  his  kingdom  and  carrying  along  with  him  large  quantities  of  provisions. 
Great  -fiestas  were  celebrated  and  great  banquets  with  the  richest  of  foods  given 
to  them  by  all  the  cities  and  towns  through  which  they  passed. 

Finally  he  arrived  at  the  place  where  the  Mexicans  were  to  attack  the 
enemy.  They  were  prepared  for  them,  although  greatly  astonished  at  seeing 
the  Mexican  king  himself  (at  the  head  of  the  army)  and  so  large  a  number  of 
soldiers  come  so  quickly  to  a  country  so  far  removed  from  their  own.  Although 
the  number  of  troops  of  that  province  was  very  great,  not  reckoning  the 
neighboring  tribes  that  had  come  to  their  help,  the  king  was  not  in  the  least 
dismayed,  but  arming  himself  in  his  accustomed  fashion,  with  sword  and  shield 

Uin  his  hand,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his.  army  and  gave  battle  valor- 
ously.  Thus  fighting  there  fell  upon  him  and  his  men  an  innumerable  mob  of 
people,  shouting  and  shrieking,  and  the  air  became  thick  with  arrows,  throwing- 
sticks,  javelins,  and  other  missiles.  He  feigned  flight  and  was  followed  by 
this  multitude  until  he  came  to  a  place  where  many  of  his  soldiers  lay  con 
cealed,  hidden  and  covered  by  straw.  These  allowed  the  people  of  Tequantepec 
to  pass  them  in  pursuit  of  the  king,  and  then,  suddenly  bursting  out  from 
under  the  grass  and  forming  into  the  shape  of  a  half-moon,  they  fell  upon  the 
rear.  Then  the  king  turned  and  returned  to  the  fray  with  his  men  on  another 
part  of  the  field  and  fell  upon  the  center  of  the  enemy,  inflicting  very  great 
slaughter.  They  took  a  sufficient  number  of  prisoners  for  the  coronation 
sacrifices. 

Then  he  immediately  turned  with  great  fury  upon  the  city  and  the  temple, 
all  of  which  he  devastated  and  destroyed.  Not  content  with  this,  he  took 
vengeance  upon  the  neighboring  provinces  that  had  been  incited  to  war  (by 
the  enemy)  and  that  had  aided  them.  Thus  he  inflicted  great  punishment  upon 
all  the  provinces  he  had  conquered,  and  he  did  not  cease  until  he  reached 
Guatusco,  a  port  of  the  southern  oceans,  for  up  to  that  point  did  his  kingdom 
extend. 

He  returned  home  with  great  triumph,  the  whole  world  filled  with  admiration 
for  him.  Great  -fiestas  were  held  and  banquets  given  all  along  the  road.  He 
entered  his  court  in  the  midst  of  universal  applause.  All  the  priests  and  the 
young  men  of  the  temple,  the  colleges  and  the  children's  schools  went  out  to 
meet  him  and  performed  the  customary  ceremonies,  as  mentioned  before  under 
the  reign  of  Motecuczuma. 

Having  arrived  at  the  temple,  he  made  his  adoration  and  obeisance  before 
his  god  Huitzilopuchtli,  thanking  him  for  his  victory  and  offering  him  many 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       115 

spoils  of  great  value  and  rarity  which  he  had  brought  with  him;  extremely  large 
seashells  with  which  he  was  to  make  new  musical  instruments  for  his  temple,  and 
trumpets,  and  flutes  and  other  such  objects. 

Then  they  proceeded  immediately  to  the  coronation  celebrations  and  these 
were  so  marvelous  that  people  from  all  parts  of  the  world  came  to  witness  them, 
even  their  enemies.  (These  also  came  to  see  the)  tributes  piled  up  in  the  royal 
plaza  in  the  order  mentioned  before,  but  in  far  greater  numbers  than  were  ever 
known  among  preceding  kings. 

This  king  won  great  victories,  for,  in  person,  he  extended  the  limits  of  his 
kingdom  as  far  as  the  south  sea  and  as  far  as  the  other  side  of  Cuetlaxtlan  and 
those  other  provinces  that  border  on  the  ocean.  He  triumphed  and  conquered 
everywhere  with  great  bravery  and  with  little  loss  of  his  own  men. 

He  was  also  the  person  who  punished  the  effrontery  of  the  people  of 
Tlatelulco,  who,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  were  Mexicans,  but  who  wished 
to  have  an  independent  state  of  their  own  with  a  king  of  their  own,  and  who 
did  not  wish  to  recognize  the  real  king,  the  king  of  Mexico.  They  had  by  this  — *-H 
time  increased  greatly  in  number,  these  people  of  Tlatelulco,  the  place  we  nowr 
call  Santiago,  and  had  spread  in  all  directions.  They  happened  to  have  a  ruler 
and  chief  at  that  time  who  was  very  brave,  a  man  of  forceful  character,  and 
quite  proud.  He  dared  to  provoke  the  anger  of  the  Mexican  state  by  sending 
a  messenger  to  tell  them  that  it  was  time  to  recognize  him  as  their  lawful  ruler 
and  that  he  would  otherwise  reduce  the  Mexican  empire.  He  used  discourteous 
words  and  spoke  defiantly  and  prepared  himself  for  war.  The  king  of  Mexico, 
realizing  that  he  too  would  have  to  arm  himself,  took  his  squadrons  under  his 
own  command  and  went  in  person  to  fight  the  leader  of  Tlatelulco,  ordering  the 
captain-general,  the  son  of  Tlacaellel,  and  the  other  captains  to  proceed  with 
the  remaining  people. 

The  captain  of  the  Tlatelulcans  had  planned  a  stratagem,  namely,  to  have  a 
large  number  of  his  people  enter  the  lagoon  and  hide  themselves  among  the 
rushes,  dressed  in  the  various  garbs  of  birds,  such  as  crows,  geese,  frogs,  etc., 
and  suddenly  spring  upon  the  Mexicans  and  seize  them  as  they  passed  along  the 
road  and  the  streets.  The  king  Axayaca,  hearing  of  this,  avoided  the  snare  and 
entered  by  another  road,  and  when  the  captain  of  Tlatelulco  saw  this  he  went 
out  to  meet  him.  Then  the  king  fought  with  him,  commanding  his  captain- 
general  to  proceed  and  fall  upon  those  of  the  enemy  wrho  lay  in  concealment. 
The  king  of  Mexico  and  the  king  of  Tlatelulco  continued  to  fight  with  each 
other,  each  one  at  the  same  time  commanding  his  troops  not  to  give  way.  The 
kings  fought  man  to  man  for  a  long  time.  Finally  the  advantage  inclined  to 
the  brave  king  of  Mexico  and  the  king  of  Tlatelulco  began  to  give  way.  Seeing 
this  his  men  became  dismayed  and  did  the  same  thing.  The  king  of  Mexico 
followed  up  his  enemy,  who  climbed  to  the  top  of  the  temple,  and  then  the 
former  also  ascended  and  threw  the  king  of  Tlatelulco  with  great  force  from 
the  temple  and  cut  to  pieces  the  others  he  found  there.  The  soldiers  of  the 
king  pursued  the  enemy,  capturing  and  killing  many,  and  at  the  end  they  set 
fire  to  the  temple  and  thus  destroyed  the  city  completely. 

In  the  meantime  the  Mexican  captain-general,  with  equal  valor,  threw  him 
self  upon  those  in  ambush  and  created  great  havoc  among  them,  dyeing  the 
lagoon  with  blood.  Those  who  were  left  decided  to  surrender  and  begged  for 
mercy,  and  the  captain-general,  in  order  to  have  a  little  amusement  with  them, 
and  also  to  insult  them  even  more,  spoke  as  follows:  "We  will  not  pardon 
you  unless  you  cackle  and  sing  in  the  manner  of  those  whose  disguises  you  are 
wearing.  Since  you  have  come  dressed  like  crows,  caw  like  them."  Some  began 


116  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

to  do  this  out  of  pure  fright,  and  when  these  were  finished  he  said,  ' '  Now  croak 
like  frogs. ' '  And  thus  there  was  heard  a  great  diversity  of  noises,  of  caws 
and  croakings  according  to  the  manner  in  which  the  different  people  were 
disguised,  much  to  the  amusement  of  the  whole  army.  The  Tlatelulcans  were 
greatly  incensed  over  this  and  their  hatred  has  lasted  up  to  the  present  time. 
The  king  upon  his  return  from  razing  the  city  of  Tlatelulco  found  his  captain- 
general  occupied  in  playing  this  prank  in  the  lagoon  and  he  joined  him  in 
laughing  at  the  joke. 

The  king  entered  the  city  and  was  received  in  the  usual  triumphant  manner. 
As  was  their  custom,  he  was  taken  to  the  temple  to  perform  the  usual  rites. 

Thus  did  they  destroy  the  unruly  people  of  Tlatelulco. 

This  king  increased  the  prestige  of  the  Mexican  realm  greatly.  He  was 
greatly  beloved  by  all  on  account  of  his  courage  and  nobility.  He  reigned 
eleven  years,  at  the  end  of  which  he  died,  leaving  his  entire  realm  in  great 
sorrow.  They  buried  him  sorrowfully  and  performed  the  accustomed  obsequies. 
His  picture  is  painted  as  follows. 

King    Axayaca,    son    of    ~king    Motecuc&uma,    elected    by    the  general 

Atlcaellel  and  the  council.     After  fulfilling  this  function  the  great  captain 

Tlacaellel  died.     This  Icing  threw  the  king  of  Tlatelulco  headlong  from  a 
high  building ;  he  died  at  the  base. 

The  electors  of  the  empire  immediately  elected  Ahuitzotl,  a  youth  of  great 
endowments  and  promise,  the  chief  of  the  four.  His  election  greatly  satisfied 
everyone.  Amidst  great  rejoicing  they  carried  him  to  the  sacred  brazier  and 
afterwards  to  his  throne,  where  were  performed  the  accustomed  ceremonies  and 
where  the  orators  delivered  the  customary  speeches.  The  king  was  very  brave 
and  quite  affable  and  on  that  account  he  was  greatly  beloved  by  all. 

In  order  to  celebrate  his  coronation  feast  he  performed  a  very  notable  deed. 
Knowing  that  the  people  of  Cuetlaxtlan,  an  extremely  rich  and  remote  province 
of  Mexico,  had  attacked  the  mayordomos  who  collected  the  tributes  of  the 
Mexican  king,  killing  many  of  them,  he  went  in  person  to  take  vengeance.  He 
arrived  at  a  time  when  a  large  arm  of  the  sea  had  cut  the  road  through  which 
they  had  to  pass  to  the  enemy  in  two.  However,  being  as  wise  as  he  was  brave, 
with  the  help  of  his  soldiers  he  constructed  a  large  balsa  of  faggots  and  earth 
and,  placing  it  in  the  water  as  though  it  were  an  island,  he  crossed  with  many 
of  his  soldiers  to  the  other  side,  where  he  engaged  the  enemy  with  great  bravery 
and  held  them  while  his  other  troops  crossed  over  the  improvised  island. 

As  soon  as  his  whole  army  was  on  the  other  side  he  bagan  to  attack  most 
valiantly  and  with  such  force  that  to  see  him  fighting  so  bravely  at  the  head 
of  his  troops  was  enough  to  put  invincible  courage  (into  his  men).  Thus  with 
little  loss  to  the  Mexicans  tremendous  slaughter  was  wrought  among  the  enemy. 
The  whole  province  was  subjugated.  Throughout  the  combat  the  little  impro 
vised  island  served  as  a  road  for  carrying  off  to  the  court  of  Mexico  the  people 
who  had  been  captured. 

By  this  campaign  the  empire  was  considerably  augmented  and  the  king 
returned  from  his  victory  laden  with  vast  spoils.  He  was  received  with  great 
rejoicing  and  celebrations  throughout  the  places  and  provinces  (he  passed 
through).  Finally  he  arrived  at  the  city  of  Mexico  and  he  entered  in  grand 
triumph,  the  civilians  and  the  priests  receiving  him  with  the  accustomed  cere 
monies.  He  proceeded  directly  to  the  temple  to  give  thanks  to  his  idol  and  to 
present  the  offerings  he  had  brought  and  to  perform  those  rites  which  we  have 
described  in  another  place.  There  he  was  crowned  amidst  the  hurras  of  all 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       117 

his  realm  and  afterwards  they  held  their  magnificant  coronation  feast  in  the 
order  and  in  the  manner  to  which  the}^  were  accustomed. 

This  king  was  so  great  a  warrior  that  he  extended  his  kingdom  as  far  as 
Guatemala,  which  is  three  hundred  leagues  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  he  did 
not  stop  until  he  had  reached  the  last  confines  of  that  land  which  borders  upon 
the  south  sea.  For  these  achievements,  as  well  as  for  his  affability,  he  was 
greatly  beloved  by  all. 

He  was  so  desirous  of  doing  good  that  he  created  many  knights,  to  whom 
he  gave  great  gifts  frequently.  On  the  day  when^the  tributes  were  to  be  paid 
he  would  go  to  some  place  of  recreation  to  amuse  himself,  leaving  orders  that 
as  soon  as  the  preparations  for  the  distribution  of  the  tributes  had  been  made 
all  should  come  to  meet  him  on  the  road  as  he  was  about  to  return  to  receive 
(the  tributes).  At  that  time  and  in  that  place  all  the  needy  in  his  kingdom 
wrould  assemble  and  he  would  distribute  among  them  the  tributes,  which  were 
always  great  in  number,  clothing  for  the  poor  people  and  as  much  food  as  they 
could  take.  There  he  also  gave  part  of  the  tributes  as  rewards  to  those  of  his 
captains  and  soldiers  who  had  performed  deeds  of  valor  in  war,  presenting 
them,  at  the  same  time,  with  jewels  and  ornaments  of  rare  stones,  pearls,  gold, 
silver,  and  rich  plumes.  (Thus  distributing  his  rewards  and  bounties)  he  entered 
the  city,  having  disposed  on  the  road  of  all  his  tributes. 

He  was,  at  the  same  time,  a  man  of  democratic  habits  and  he  was_j?ontin- 
ually  tearing  down  and  rebuilding  the  temples  and  the  public  places  of  the  city. 
For  Instance,  seeing  that  the  great  lagoon  on  which  Mexico  was  situated  had 
little  water,  he  desired  to  increase  it  by  having  water  brought  from  a  large 
spring  about  a  league  from  the  city,  situated  in  the  territory  of  Coyohuacan. 
This  water  the  ancestors  of  the  Mexicans  had,  with  many  ingenious  devices, 
forced  into  a  new  course  so  that  it  could  run  in  a  bed  (different  from  its 
former  one). 

In  order  to  attain  his  purpose  the  king  had  the  chief  of  Coyohuacan,  who 
was  a  well-known  sorcerer,  and  one  who  was  very  well  acquainted  with  demons 
of  all  kinds,  called  in,  and  when  he  was  brought  before  the  king  the  latter  put 
the  question  to  him  and  the  chief  answered:  "Most  powerful  king,  it  would 
be  a  difficult  matter  to  do  what  you  desire,  for  with  this  spring  whose  waters 
you  wish  to  carry  to  Mexico  the  ancients  had  very  much  trouble  and  ran  the 
risk  of  being  drowned.  If  again  today  you  wish  to  divert  the  course  and  the 
regular  flow  of  the  spring,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  entire  city  will  be 
destroyed  through  its  overflow." 

The  king  believing  that  this  man,  presuming  upon  his  knowledge  of  magic 
wished  to  be  called  in  to  help  them,  took  his  words  in  bad  part  and  was, 
indeed,  so  angered  that  on  the  next  day  he  sent  one  of  his  court  alcaldes  to  seize 
him.  However,  when  the  latter  came  to  the  palace  of  the  chief  of  Coyohuacan 
and  ordered  a  servant  to  bring  word  to  the  chief  that  he  was  there  with  a 
message  from  his  king  and  master,  the  chief  of  Coyohuacan,  realizing  that  he 
had  come  to  seize  him,  told  the  messenger  to  enter  and  when  the  court  alcalde 
entered  he  found  the  chief  converted  into  a  very  large  and  ferocious  eagle. 
He  returned  to  Mexico  and  told  the  king  what  had  happened,  and  the  latter 
commanded  that  he  and  others  should  go  again  the  next  day.  Entering  his 
room,  they  found  there  a  very  ferocious  tiger,  and  when  they  tried  to  seize  him 
he  took  the  form  of  a  serpent  and  this  frightened  all  the  messengers  of  the  king. 
When  the  king  heard  of  what  had  happened  he  became  so  angry  that  he  sent 
a  messenger  to  tell  the  people  of  Coyohuacan  that  they  should  bring  their  chief 
to  him,  and  that  if  they  refused  he  would  destroy  and  burn  their  entire  city. 


118  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

The  sorcerer,  seeing  the  harm  that  would  come  to  his  people,  gave  himself  up, 
and  being  brought  before  the  king  was  executed. 

Then  the  king  immediately  ordered  that  the  course  of  the  spring  should  be 
diverted  and  that  the  water  should  be  conducted  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  and 
that  an  acqueduct  of  stone  and  cement  should  be  constructed  through  which  it 
might  pass.  This  was  all  done  in  a  short  time.  Finally  the  water  was  released 
and  it  burst  forth  and  rushed  in  great  quantities  through  the  acqueduct.  When 
it  began  to  enter  the  city  the  people  hailed  it  with  great  shouts  of  joy.  Eites 
and  ceremonies  were  performed  and  the  priests  went  to  the  edge  of  the  acque 
duct  burning  incense  and  playing  on  their  shell  instruments,  at  the  same  time 
beheading  quails  and  letting  part  of  the  blood  flow  into  the  water  of  the 
acqueduct  while  the  remainder  was  poured  over  its  sides. 

The  priest  who  headed  the  procession  was  dressed  like  the  water  deity. 
Everyone  walked  about  saluting  and  speaking  to  the  water  with  great  joy, 
telling  it  that  it  was  very  welcome  and  greeting  it  in  other  ways,  as  though  it 
were  something  that  could  understand.  This  they  did  because  \the^L  E^S^J---6^ 
the  elements,  the  mountains,  and  the  other  created  objects  as  gods,  though  when 
directly  asked  whether  they  adored  the  mountains,  the  waters,  etc.,  they 
answered  that  they  did  not  adore  these  objects  for  themselves,  nor  did  they 
regard  them  as  deities,  but  they  felt  that  their  gods  inhabited  each  place  specially. 

After  the  water  of  the  spring  had  been  conducted  into  the  city  it  increased 
to  such  an  extent  that  everything  became  submerged,  the  greater  part  of  the 
city  and  many  houses  that  were  not  very  strong  being  overthrown.  The  king, 
working  hard,  immediately  saw  to  it  that  a  drainage  was  provided,  and  then 
the  water  subsided.  On  account  of  this  accident  the  city  was  rebuilt  on  a 
stronger  foundation  and  more  quaintly,  so  that  it  rose  out  of  the  waters  like 
another  beautiful  Venice. 

After  the  king  had  thus  rebuilt  the  city  and  made  it  more  beautiful  and 
after  he  had  extended  the  boundaries  of  the  realm,  as  before  mentioned,  he  died, 
having  reigned  fifteen  years.  The  realm  was  left  in  great  sorrow  at  the  loss 
of  so  brave  and  generous  a  king,  a  man  who  was  called,  among  the  poor,  the 
father-of-the-orphans.  His  picture  and  a  representation  of  how  the  above- 
mentioned  spring  was  conducted  to  the  city  of  Mexico  is  given  below. 

The  Icing  Ahuitzotl  carried  his  arms  as  far  as  the  province  of  Guatemala. 
He  reigned  fifteen  years.  He  was  a  brave  man  and  the  father  of  the  orphans. 
He  brought  the  u~ater  from  Coyohuacan  to  Mexico. 

After  the  obsequies  and  honors  for  the  king  Ahuitzotl  had  been  performed 
the  electors  entered  the  consistory  and  without  much  hesitation  elected  as  king 
the  great  monarch  Motecuczuma,  the  second  of  that  name,  in  whose  time 
Christianity  was  introduced  into  the  land,  as  we  shall  afterwards  see.  To 
differentiate  him  from  the  other  Motecuczuma  they  called  the  latter  Huehue 
Motecuczuma,  that  is  to  say,  Motecuczuma  the  Elder. 

They  elected  Motecuczuma  the  second  without  much  discussion,  as  we  have 
said  before,  because  all  were  favorably  impressed  by  him,  since,  besides  being 
very  brave,  he  was  so  serious  and  reserved  that  it  was  unusual  to  hear  him 
even  say  a  word,  and,  on  the  occasions  when  he  spoke  in  the  supreme  council, 
he  spoke  with  such  deliberation  and  care  that  he  was  admired  by  all  even 
before  he  was  king.  Indeed,  he  was  greatly  feared  and  revered.  Ordinarily 
he  kept  to  his  own  room,  where  he  remained  undisturbed.  A  room  in  the  temple 
of  Huitzilopuchtli  was  assigned  to  him,  and  there  it  is  said  that  he  frequently 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       119 

communicated  with  his  deity  and  spoke  to  him.    For  this  reason  it  was  presumed 
that  he  was  devout  and  religious. 

After  his  election  he  went  to  hide  himself  in  this  room,  and  there  the 
members  of  the  court  went  to  look  for  him  and  going  along  with  him  they 
carried  him  to  the  consistory.  He  came  with  such  gravity  that  all  claimed  that 
his  name  Motecuczuma  was  well  chosen,  for  the  word  means  the-enraged-lord. 
When  he  entered  the  hall  where  the  electors  were  stationed  they  made  him  a 
great  obeisance  and  notified  him  of  his  election.  They  then  carried  him  with 
great  dignity  to  the  sacred  brazier,  where  he  sacrificed  in  the  accustomed, 
manner  and  sprayed  incense  before  his  deities.  This  being  done,  they  dressed 
him  in  royal  garments,  and  piercing  the  gristle  of  his  nostrils  they  inserted  a 
very  rich  emerald  and  then,  seating  him  on  the  throne,  the  orators  and  the  old 
men  delivered  the  customary  orations.  Among  these  there  was  a  famous  one 
delivered  by  the  king  of  Tetzcuco,  who,  felicitating  the  newly  elected  king, 
spoke  as  follows: 

1 '  A  great  honor  has  been  bestowed  upon  all  the  people  of  this  realm,  O 
illustrious  youth,  in  having  you  at  our  head;  we  have  been  wise  in  selecting 
you  immediately  and  in  giving  expression  to  our  joy  upon  your  election.  Cer 
tainly  this  is  true,  for  now  the  Mexican  empire  is  so  large  and  extensive  that 
to  rule  a  world  like  this,  to  lift  upon  one's  shoulders  so  heavy  a  burden,  requires 
the  firmness  and  force  of  just  your  strong  and  courageous  heart,  just  your 
sedateness,  knowledge,  and  prudence.  And  for  that  reason  do  I  say  that  the 
omnipotent  god  loves  this  city,  for  he  has  given  us  the  light  to  select  just  the 
man  that  the  kingdom  needs.  For  who  could  doubt  but  that  a  lord  and  prince 
who  before  his  reign  had  investigated  the  nine  falsehoods  of  heaven  would  not, 
if  he  were  chosen  as  ruler,  show  an  equally  clear  appreciation  of  earthly  affairs 
in  order  thus  to  help  the  people?  Who  could  believe  that  the  great  force  you 
have  always  shown  in  matters  of  importance  before  you  undertook  the  office 
(now  bestowed  upon  you)  would  ever  fail  you?  Who  would  for  a  moment 
doubt  that,  possessed  of  such  courage,  you  would  ever  fail  to  give  succor  to  the 
orphan  and  the  widow?  Who  would  not  be  persuaded  that  the  Mexican  empire 
had  reached  the  culmination  of  its  glory,  seeing  that  the  Lord  has  concentrated 
in  your  hands  such  power  that  by  a  mere  glance  at  you  one  can  see  how  you 
reflect  (the  glory  and  the  greatness)  of  the  empire?  Eejoice  then,  O  happy 
country,  that  the  lord  of  creation  has  given  you  a  prince  who  will  be  your 
mainstay  in  whatever  you  strive  for,  a  father  and  a  brother  in  piety  and  pity. 
Eejoice  then,  again,  and  with  good  reason,  that  you  have  a  king  who  will  not 
spend  his  time,  at  the  expense  of  the  state,  regaling  himself  and  stretching 
himself  on  a  bed  of  vices  and  pleasures,  but  one  who,  tha^;  he  may  sleep  the 
more  peacefully,  keeps  his  mind  alert  and  remains  awake  all  night,  worrying 
how  he  can  best  serve  you;  one  who  hardly  feels  the  taste  of  the  most  savory 
titbit,  so  absorbed  is  he  in  his  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  his  people!  Ee- 
member  then  that  I  have  good  reasons  for  telling  you  to  be  happy  and  breathe 
freely,  O  happy  kingdom !  And  you,  most  generous  youth,  our  mighty  lord, 
since  the  creator  of  all  things  has  given  you  this  office,  he  who  in  the  past  has 
been  so  kind  to  you  in  every  way,  do  you  take  courage  and  do  not  deny  those 
gifts  he  has  given  you  in  this  state.  May  they  be  yours  for  many  happy  years 
to  come!  " 

The  king  Motecuczuma  listened  to  this  speech  very  attentively  and  when  it 
was  finished  he  was  so  touched  that  he  could  hardly  respond  for  some  time. 
Finally,  wiping  away  his  tears,  he  answered  as  well  as  he  could  and  said  briefly: 
"I  should,  indeed,  O  righteous  king,  have  to  be  blind  if  I  did  not  realize  and 


120  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arcli.  and  Etlin.      [Vol.  17 

feel  keenly  that  what  you  have  said  to  me  and  of  me  is  but  a  kind  favor  you 
wish  to  bestow  upon  me.  However,  having  such  noble  and  generous  men  as  you 
in  the  kingdom,  (I  beseech  you)  to  aid  me,  for  I  myself  have  not  sufficient 
wisdom.  Certain  it  is  that  I  feel  little  aptitude  within  me  for  this  arduous 
undertaking,  and  I  hardly  know  how  it  comes  to  me  except  it  be  the  will  of 
-ylne  Lord  of  Creation.  He  it  is  who  has  favored  me  and  I  beg  all  those  present 
to  help  me  as  I  appeal  to  and  supplicate  him. ' '  As  he  spoke  he  was  overcome 
and  wept.  Then  the  other,  older  orators  came  and  consoled  him  and  delivered 
their  orations.  When  these  speeches  were  all  over  the  king  was  carried  to  his 
royal  palace  and  he  retired  and  did  not  speak  to  anyone  after  that  for  a  few 
days.  The  people,  in  the  meantime,  celebrated  their  -fiestas  with  great  dances 
and  games,  day  and  night,  and  with  great  illuminations. 

A  few  days  after  he  was  elected  the  king  began  to  show  his  aristocratic 
leanings.  He  first  rearranged  and  readjusted  his  royal  household.  To  do  this 
(efficiently)  he  first  had  an  old  man  called  to  him,  a  person  who  had  been  his 
(private)  priest,  and  disclosed  his  thoughts  to  him  privately,  speaking  as 
follows: 

1 '  You  undoubtedly  know,  my  father,  that  I  have  decided  that  all  those  who 
wait  upon  me  shall  be  knights  and  the  sons  of  princes  and  lords.  Not  only 
those  who  are  to  help  me  in  my  household  but  all  who  have  any  positions  of 
importance  throughout  my  kingdom  are  to  be  such.  I  am  very  much  perturbed 
at  the  thought  that  all  the  previous  kings  permitted  themselves  to  be  served 
in  such  matters  by  people  of  low  birth.  For  that  reason  I  have  decided  to 
deprive  all  those  of  low  birth  of  whatever  office  they  happen  to  hold  and  to 
have  my  household  and  my  kingdom  served  only  by  people  of  good  birth,  by 
such  as  are  without  any  mixture  of  low  blood. ' ' 

The  old  man  pondered  over  the  matter  for  a  moment  and  then  answered: 
' '  Great  lord,  wise  and  powerful  as  you  are  and  well  as  you  may  be  able  to  do 
whatever  beseems  you,  I  do  not  believe  that  such  an  act  of  yours  would  be 
looked  upon  with  great  favor,  for  some  might  say  that  you  wish  to  wipe  out 
the  laws  of  the  preceding  kings  in  thus  proceeding;  and  by  such  an  attitude 
you  may  possibly  estrange  the  humble  and  poor  macehual  and  he  would  then 
hardly  dare  to  look  upon  you  or  come  to  you." 

Then  Motecuczuma  said:  "However,  I  insist  upon  this,  that  the  man  of 
low  station  is  not  the  equal  of  the  prince  nor  should  such  a  man  dare  look  upon 
the  king.  I  wish  to  tell  you  my  reasons  (for  so  thinking),  and  when  you  and 
all  the  other  people  hear  them  I  am  sure  that  you  will  admit  that  I  am  right. 
You  know  very  well  how  different  is  the  manner  of  life  of  the  nobles  and  of 
the  low-born.  If  the  leaders  employ  people  of  low  birth,  especially  if  kings  do 
so,  such  men  will  undoubtedly  cause  them  great  embarrassment,  for  if  the  king 
were  to  send  them  to  accompany  his  embassies  and  delegations  the  knight 
(on  such  occasions)  would  speak  in  a  courteous  and  discreet  manner,  while  the 
person  of  low  birth  would  disconcert  the  latter  by  his  vulgar  language,  and  the 
world  might  say  that  we  do  not  know  more  than  the  (low-born  individual)  we 
have  allowed  to  go  along.  Finally,  these  country  folks,  no  matter  how  well 
they  may  have  been  brought  up,  always  keep  the  odor  of  their  rusticity  about 
them.  Lastly,  it  is  not  right  nor  meet  that  the  words  of  kings  and  princes, 
which  are  like  jewels  and  precious  stones,  should  find  lodgment  in  such  ignoble 
receptacles  as  the  mouths  of  men  of  low  birth.  They  should  always  be  placed 
in  receptacles  worthy  of  them,  such  as  the  persons  of  lords  and  princes.  There 
they  are  in  their  proper  place.  These  people  of  low  birth  would  only  serve  to 
cast  odium  upon  us,  for  if  you  sent  them  to  perform  actions  requiring  a  noble 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicajis       121 

and  cultured  mind  they,  with  their  vulgarity  and  lack  of  breeding,  would  but 
lower  and  demean  our  standards.  You  see  then  what  would  result  if  we  were 
served  by  people  of  this  type.  Since  I  have,  therefore,  justified  my  viewpoint, 
I  command  you  to  bring  together  as  many  sons  of  princes  as  there  are  in  the 
schools  and  outside  of  them  and,  selecting  the  abler  ones,  give  them  instructions 
for  the  service  of  my  household  and  the  kingdom;  and  that  you  deprive  of 
whatever  royal  office  they  may  possess  those  who  are  of  lowly  birth.  Find  out 
in  every  case  who  comes  from  the  soil,  and  then  tell  my  council  that  this  is  my 
desire  and  that  I  wish  it  to  be  put  into  force  immediately." 

The  old  man  went  to  put  into  force  what  the  king  had  commanded,  admiring 
greatly  the  wisdom  and  imperiousness  of  Motecuczuma.  His  desires  being 
considered  wise  by  the  council,  they  immediately  put  into  operation  what  he 
had  ordered. 

After  he  had  thus  put  his  household  and  his  kingdom  in  order,  the  king 
went  to  wage  war  in  order  to  obtain  the  slaves  necessary  for  his  coronation 
sacrifices.  He  went  to  a  very  remote  province  which  had  rebelled  against  the 
Mexicans  and  he  started  out  with  a  large  number  of  soldiers  and  a  great  retinue, 
all  of  them  well  dressed  and  with  shining  apparel.  They  were  feasted  and 
well  received  along  the  whole  road  they  traveled.  When  he  came  to  the 
province  where  he  was  to  fight,  and  which  was  near  the  sea,  he  conducted  the 
war  so  bravely  and  with  such  system  and  precision  that  the  enemy  surrendered 
in  a  short  time. 

It  was  always  with  the   same  ease  that  the  Mexican   army  conquered  its 
enemies   and  it   was   only  by   a  marvel  that   their   army  was   defeated.     This 
happened  on  two  occasions,  in  Tepeaca  and  in  Michhuacan,  for  these  people  ( 
were  as  brave  as  the  Mexicans,  especially  the  people  of  Michhuacan,  who,  as 
we  have   mentioned  before,   were   descendants   of  these   very   Mexicans.     The     ' 
Mexicans  made  war  upon  them,  without  any  justification,  it   seems,   and  the 
Lord  permitted  the  people  of  Michhuacan  to  prevail  against  them. 

After  subjugating  the  province  and  taking  many  prisoners  and  capturing 
great  spoils  for  the  coronation  celebration,  the  king  Motecuczuma  inflicted 
punishment  of  the  most  exemplary  kind  (upon  them)  and  left  the  entire  laud 
so  frightened  that  neither  they  nor  any  others  ever  dared  to  rebel  against  the 
Mexicans  (after  that).  The  king  returned  in  great  triumph  and  all  along  the 
road  the  lords  of  the  cities  and  pueblos  through  which  he  passed  brought  him 
personally  water  with  which  to  wash  his  hands  and  performed  the  duties  of 
pages,  a  thing  that  no  other  king  had  ever  indulged  in  before.  Such  was  the 
reverence  and  fear  in  which  he  was  held. 

He  entered  the  city  with  all  imaginable  pomp,  accompanied  by  his  prisoners 
and  laden  with  spoils.  He  was  received  by  a  solemn  procession  of  the  kind 
referred  to  above,  to  the  accompaniment  of  dances,  trumpets,  flutes,  kettle 
drums  and  other  musical  instruments,  and  joyfully  conducted  through  various 
arches  of  triumph  to  the  temple.  There  he  made  his  adorations  and  gave  the 
accustomed  offerings  of  spoils  he  had  brought.  Then  he  retired  to  his  retreat 
to  rest. 

After  that  arrangements  were  made  for  the  celebrations  connected  with  the 
coronation,  and  such  a  large  number  of  people  from  all  parts  of  the  world 
crowded  to  see  it  that  many  people  could  have  been  encountered  in  the  city  of 
Mexico  who  had  never  been  seen  there  before.  The  most  marvelous  fiestas, 
dances,  comedies,  and  entertainments  took  place  day  and  night  and  the  illumi 
nations  at  night  were  so  remarkable  that  it  appeared  like  midday.  So  enormous 
was  the  amount  of  tribute  brought  in  and  so  many  were  the  lords  and  leaders 


122  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

who  came  with  them,  so  resplendent,  that  the  whole  world  stood  in  wrapt 
admiration  (an  admiration  that  increased)  when  they  beheld  the  number  of 
sacrifices  made  on  that  day. 

To  these  fiestas  there  came  even  the  mortal  enemies  of  the  Mexicans,  the 
people  of  Michhuacan  and  the  people  of  the  province  of  Tlaxcalla.  These  the 
king  bade  sit  down  and  he  treated  them  as  his  own  person.  They  had  rich 
private  galleries  erected  for  them  from  which  they  could  witness  the  celebra 
tions,  although  hidden  from  view.  They  went  around  to  the  dances  and  the 
night  celebrations  with  Motecuczuma  himself,  who  treated  them  with  great 
courtesy  and  tact,  and  they  admired  him  for  this  and  were  very  grateful  to  him. 

The  king  was  crowned  with  all  imaginable  pomp  and  solemnity,  the  king  of 
Tetzcuco,  whose  duty  it  was  to  crown  the  king  of  Mexico,  placing  the  crown 
upon  his  head.  This  coronation  is  painted  in  the  following  way: 

The  great  king  Motecuczuma,  second  of  that  name,  in  whose  time  Chris 
tianity  was  introduced.  The  other  Motecuczuma  was  called  Huehue  Motecuc 
zuma,  the  elder  Motecuczuma.  The  Tcnig  of  Tetzucuco  crowned  him.  He 
reigned  fifteen  years. 

Throughout  the  reign  of  the  king  Motecuczuma  he  was  more  honored  and 
reverenced  than  all  the  preceding  kings,  for  he  had  such  wisdom  and  aptitude 
for  all  things,  his  appearance  aiding  him  not  a  little,  that\he  gradually  acquired 
such  authority  and  dignity  that  he  was  almost  adored  as  a  god  himself.  He 
was  so  desirous  of  being  honored  by  the  common  people  that  when  he  went  out 
publicly  had  any  person  raised  his  eyes  and  looked  at  him  it  would  have  cost 
him  his  life.  Ordinarily  he  lived  in  retirement,  rarely  going  out  in  public 
except  when  he  went  to  his  orchards.  In  order  to  reach  these  he  had  streets 
built,  all  of  which  were  provided  with  walls  on  each  side,  and  he  passed  through 
these  streets  on  the  shoulders  of  his  lords.  Those  who  carried  him  when  he 
went  out  in  public  were  from  the  most  aristocratic  families.  No  other  people 
ever  accompanied  him,  the  populace  walking  on  the  other  side  of  the  walls. 
He  never  placed  his  feet  on  the  ground  except  when  he  wished  to,  and  when 
he  walked  his  feet  were  always  on  carpets  and  cotton  coverings.  He  never  put 
on  a  dress  twice  and  each  day  he  had  a  new  one.  Glasses  and  vessels  (for  food) 
were  likewise  never  served  on  his  table  more  than  once,  new  and  different  ones 
being  brought  every  day.  All  these  rejected  clothes  and  vessels  constituted  the 
salaries  and  perquisites  of  his  servants,  and  these  latter  were  in  consequence 
so  richly  provided  for  that  they  had  plenty  of  leisure  and  pleasure. 

In  his  palace  there  were  special  rooms  and  halls  where  the  courtiers  gathered, 
each  one  having  his  place  designated  according  to  his  rank,  and  if  some  one  of 
low  extraction  or  of  lower  rank  than  the  knights  dared  to  enter  the  palace  of 
the  nobles  he  was  severely  punished  for  it.  The  king  put  the  orders  of  knight 
hood  in  excellent  order  and  he  instituted  (other)  orders,  such  as  the  comenda- 
dores,  for  those  who  distinguished  themselves  in  war. 

The  most  important  of  these  were  those  who  had  (the  right)  to  tie  around 
the  crown  of  their  heads  a  red  fillet  with  very  rich  plumage  from  which  fringes 
of  splendid  feathers  dangled  down  to  the  shoulders,  with  tassels  of  the  same 
material  at  the  end.  There  were  as  many  of  these  tassels  as  the  deeds  of  valor 
each  individual  had  performed.  To  this  order  of  knighthood  the  king  himself 
belonged;  and  the  king  Motecuczuma  was  represented  in  the  insignia  of  this 
order  at  his  coronation. 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       123 

There  were  other  orders  called  the  Eagles;  still  others,  the  Lions  and  Tigers. 
To  these  last  belonged  men  who  had  distinguished  themselves  in  wars,  and  they 
always  went  to  battle  with  their  insignia,  and  their  pictures  are  shown  in  the 
representations  of  the  wars. 

There  was  another  order  called  that  of  the  Gray  Tiger  Knights,  not  of  as 
much  importance  as  the  others.  They  had  braids  of  hair  tied  up  around  and 
above  the  ear.  They  also  went  to  war  with  their  insignia  just  as  the  other 
knights  did,  but  they  were  protected  with  armor  only  above  the  middle  of  the 
body,  and  in  this  way  they  were  set  off  from  the  more  distinguished  orders. 

All  these  knights  mentioned  above  were  permitted  to  use  clothes  and  mantles 
of  richly  wrought  cotton,  and  jewels  of  gold  and  silver,  and  moccasins,  and 
were  permitted  to  possess  ornaments  and  painted  vases  (for  water).  The 
common  people  were  permitted  to  wear  clothes  made  of  nequen,  which  is  like 
rough  hemp,  and  they-  were  not  allowed  to  wear  moccasins  of  any  kind  nor  to 
use  any  except  clay  vessels. 

For  each  division  of  nobility  there  were  provided  in  the  royal  palace 
reception  rooms  and  halls  in  the  order  above  mentioned;  the  first  being  the 
room  or  hall  of  the  princes,  the  second  that  of  the  Eagles,  the  third  that  of  the 
Tigers  and  Lions,  the  fourth  that  of  the  Gray  Knights,  etc.  No  one  had  the 
right  to  enter  these  except  the  people  referred  to,  each  one  going  to  his  own 
room.  The  laymen  and  servants  of  the  nobility  lived  below  in  rooms  suited  to 
the  duties  which  they  performed. 

The  king  was  so  zealous  in  seeing  that  the  laws  were  observed  and  fulfilled 
that  he  frequently  disguised  himself  and  went  about  incognito,  watching  his 
officials.  He  would  try  to  tempt  them,  approaching  them  with  requests  anc 
bribes,  to  see  whether  or  not  they  were  forgetful  of  their  duty  and  would 
succumb  (to  the  bribe),  and  if  anyone  accepted  a  bribe  he  ordered  him  to  be 
killed  without  appeal.  He  was  indeed  so  excessive  in  his  ardor  about  such 
matters  that  when  he  returned  from  a  war  he  would  feign  fatigue  and  go  to 
one  of  his  places  of  recreation.  He  would  send  ahead  his  captains  with  the 
captives  and  the  spoils  and  have  them  enter  the  city,  issuing  orders  to  the 
citizens  to  perform  all  the  ceremonies  and  solemn  rites  customary  on  such 
occasions,  and  then,  to  see  whether  in  any  respect  his  orders  were  exceeded,  he 
would  later  go  incognito  to  visit  them  (the  soldiers)  and  scrutinize  everything 
that  took  place.  If  his  orders  were  either  exceeded  or  not  entirely  obeyed  he 
punished  the  offenders  sevei  3iy,  even  if  they  were  his  own  brothers,  for  in 
such  matters  he  pardoned  no  one.  .  .  . 


THE  ANALES  OF  CHIMALPAHIN47    (SELECTIONS) 

The  year  10  house,  1281.  Then  died  Xihuitlemoc,  king  of  Culhuacan,  who 
had  governed  for  11  or  14  years;  soon  after,  in  the  same  year,  C'oxcoxtli  was 
elected  sovereign  of  Culhuacan 

The  year  6  rabbit,  1290.  Then  Illancueytl,  lord  atlauhtecatl,  gave  up  his 
rule;  he  had  ruled  Atenco  for  18  years;  he  left  in  order  to  have  his  son 
Itzcuauhtzin  the  Younger  take  his  place  in  his  kingdom,  and  he,  in  turn,  became 
atlauhtecatl;  it  was  in  the  year  6  rabbit  that  he  assumed  his  power  in  Atenco; 
soon  after  he  went  to  establish  himself  in  Tzacualtitlan-Tenanco-Atlauhtlan 
of  the  Toltecs,  where  he  had  reigned  before.  Illancueytl  repaired  to  Cohuat- 
lychan 


47  Translated  from  Simeon's  edition,  cf.  p.  6;  note  2. 


124  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

The  year  13  house,  1297.  In  the  year  13  house,  1297,  (the  people)  left  this 
place  and  went  to  settle  in  the  valley  of  Tultitlan,  where  the  king  Yacahuetz- 
catzin,  teohuateuhctli,  Cuauhxiuhtzin,  Quetzalcanauhtli,  and  a  woman  named 
Xihuatlapal  met;  soon  after  they  left  Tultitlan  and  arrived  at  Chapultepec  in 
the  year  1  rabbit,  1298. 

Thus  the  Teotlixcas,  Nonohualcas,  and  Tlacochcalcas,  our  masters,  arrived, 
in  the  year  1  rabbit  and  stopped  at  Chapultepec.  They  were  led  by  Tezcatlipoca, 
who  possessed  a  valued  standard,  or  tlalitoltzin  or  porte-idole  (portable  idol). 

Immediately  after  there  came  to  him  king  Yacahuetzcatzin,  as  well  as 
Quetzalcanauhtli  and  six  other  chiefs  who  arrived  at  Chapultepec,  where  they 
stayed  that  year;  they  came  there  after  the  Aztec-Mexicans,  who  had  already 
settled  in  this  place  19  years  before  and  who  had  (appointed)  Huitzilihuitl  the 
Elder  as  their  chief. 

The  year  2  cane,  1299 Then  Quetzalcahauhtli  conquered  Tenantzinco 

and  Aotlan;  it  was  20  years  since  the  Mexicans  had  come  to  Chapultepec.  That 
was  the  time  when  the  Mexicans  were  surrounded  and  hard  pressed  at  Chapul 
tepec,  and  where  they  were  attacked  on  four  sides  and  their  first  sovereign, 
Huitzilihuitl  the  Elder,  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Culhuas  and  carried  to 
Culhuacan,  where  he  was  put  to  death.  He  had  governed  the  Mexicans  for 
33  years. 

(The  people)  then  passed  under  (the  rule)  of  the  king  of  Culhuacan,  Cox- 
coxtli,  wTho  had  (at  that  time)  already  governed  Culhuacan  for  19  years 

It  was  in  this  said  year,  2  cane,  that  the  Mexicans  elected  at  Tizaapan- 
Culhuacan  Tenochtzin  as  military  chief;  it  is  with  this  title  that  he  commanded 
the  Mexicans 

The  year  2  ettrie,  1325.  Then  the  Mexicans-Chichimecas  established  them 
selves  in  the  lagoon  of  Tenochtitlan;  it  was  27  years  since  Tenochtzin  had  taken 
command  of  them;  57  years  since  the  Amaquemecans  had  established  them 
selves  at  Amaquemecan;  19  years  that  their  sovereign,  Huehuetehctli,  the  lord 
of  the  Chichimecans,  had  ruled  over  them.  It  was  3  years  that  Chichicue- 
potzin,  teohuateuhctli,  reigned  at  Tlacochcalco-Chalco-Atenco,  and  four  years 
that  Caltzin  had  governed  as  tlatquic  at  Itzcahuacan 

The  year  1  cane,  1337.  Then  the  Mexicans  called  Tenochcas  divided,  and 
one  portion  established  themselves  at  Xaltilulco 

The  year  1  cane,  1363 After  the  death  of  Tenochtzin  no  one  ruled  over 

Tenochtitlan  for  3  years 

The  year  5  cane,  1367.  In  this  year  Acamapichtli  the  Younger  was  installed 
as  the  first  sovereign  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  and  he  established  the  monarchy 
in  the  lagoon;  the  Mexicans  came  to  get  him  at  Cohuatlychan,  where  he  had 
been  brought  up,  together  with  the  king  Aculmiztli.  But  Culhuacan  was  his 
country  by  birth;  he  was  the  son  of  a  simple  Mexican-Chichimec  subject  named 
Opochtli-Iztahuatzin  and  his  mother  was  the  princess  named  Atotoztli,  daughter 
of  the  sovereign  of  Culhuacan,  C'oxcoxtli;  Acamapichtli  the  Elder  was  his 
uncle.  It  was  now  32  years  since  Acamapicttli  the  Elder  had  died 

The  second  of  the  princes  who  were  installed  in  that  year  was  Tezozomoctli 
the  Elder,  who  was  made  king  of  Azcaputzalco-Mexicapan 

The  year  3  rabbit,  1378.  Perhaps  it  was  then  that  the  Xochimilcas  were 
destroyed  (by  those)  under  the  king  of  Tenochitlan,  Acamapichtli 

The  year  4  cane,  1379.  Coming  of  Quaquauhpitzauac  to  Tlatilulco.  Perhaps 
it  was  then  that  the  Xillotepecs  were  conquered  ....  under  the  king  Acama 
pichtli;  but  the  Tlacochcalcas-Chalcas  affirm  that  it  was  under  him 

UM 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       125 

The  year  6  house,  1381.  Then  the  Tepanecs  and  the  Chalcans  undertook  a 
Xochiyaoyotl  war;  this  the  TlacbcHcaleas^-ChalcaTEIS  indicate  in  their  annals.  .  .  . 

The  year  9  flint,  1384.  Then  was  installed  Ixmacpaltzin.  He  was  the  lord 
tlatquic  of  Itzcahuacan-Tlacochcalco-Chalco;  for  3  years  no  one  had  reigned, 
the  government  having  been  entrusted  to  Miccacalcatl-Cuateotzin,  teoliuateulictli, 
king  of  Opochhuacan. 

The  year  11  ral>~bit,  1386.  Then  the  Chalcans  made  the  Matlatzincas  their 
vassals,  according  to  the  testimony  of  the  Tlacochcalcas-Chalcas 

The  year  12  cane,  1387.  Then  Acamapichtli  II,  first  king  of  Mexico-Tenoch- 
titlan,  died;  he  had  governed  for  21  years.  After  his  death  no  one  governed  at 
Tenochtitlan  for  3  years. 

The  year  3  cane,  1391.     Then  Huitzilihuitl  II  was  installed He  was 

made  king  of  Tenochtitlan;  he  was  the  son  of  Acamapichtli 

The  year  10  rabbit,  1398.     (Moteuhoczuma  I  and  Tlacaellel  born) 

The  year  1  rabbit,  1402.     (Nezahualcoyotl  born  at  Tetzcuco) 

The  year  2  rabbit,  1403.  Then  the  Mexicans  struck  and  chastised  the  Miz- 
quicas  and  the  Cuitlahuacas  and  caused  them  to  be  drowned  in  the  lagoon 
called  Tlatatacco  and  the  Chalcans  were  as  worried  as  though  the  Mexicans  had 
defeated  the  Chalcans  (themselves);  though  the  Mizquicas  and  Cuitlahuacas 
were  not  all  killed.  The  Chalcans,  however,  became  frightened  and  repaired  to 
Amohmollocco-Huitzilac 

The  year  6  cane,  1407.  Then  the  Mizquicas,  superintendents  of  the  granaries 
of  Amaquemecan-Chalco,  repaired  to  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  to  treat  with  Huitzili 
huitl  II,  king  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan.  He  had  with  him  as  tlacateccatl  the 
prince  Itzcahuatzin  and  as  tlacochcalca-tli  Cuatlecohuatzin ;  there  were  thus  three 
to  govern. 

At  that  time  the  Amaquemecas-Chalcans  were  exclusively  occupied  in  gath 
ering  the  corn  which  belonged  to  Huitzilihuitzin  and  which  the  latter  had 

entrusted  to  the  protection  of  the  three  superintendents  of  the  granary 

They  deceived  the  king  Huitzilihuitzin  in  their  interview  with  him  and  accused 
the  Chalcan  chiefs,  Quetzalmazatzin,  a  Chichimec  lord,  ruler  of  Amaquemecan; 
Itztlotzin,  tlayllotlac,  king  of  Tzacualtitlan-Tenanco;  Ecatzin,  ruler  of  Huixtoco- 
Tecuanipan- Amaquemecan-Chalco;  and  Mactzin,  lord  atlauhtecatl,  king  of  Tza- 
cualtitlan-Tenanco-Atlauhtlan.  It  has  not  been  said  whether  they  also  deceived 
the  people  of  Mexico.  But  it  was  the  chief  of  the  Chalcans  ....  whom  they 
especially  deceived 

When  the  king  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  Huitzilihuitzin,  Itzcohuatzin, 
tlacatecatl,  and  Cuatlecohual,  tlacochcalcatl,  heard  of  this  they  immediately  sent 
their  commissioners  to  order  the  Mexicans  to  put  the  Chalcan  chiefs  to  death. 
But  the  first  of  the  (defaulting)  lords  learned  that  they  intended  to  put  him 
to  death  and  exclaimed,  "Has  not  my  father  still  some  land  left?"  So  he  went 
to  seek  refuge  in  a  place  called  Totomihuacan 

After  the  Chalcan  chiefs  had  fled,  the  Mexicans  started  out  in  pursuit  of 
the  superintendents  in  order  to  kill  them.  They  sought  them  everywhere,  but 

could  not  find  them 

The  messengers  of  Mexico  having  looked  around  in  every  direction  without 
being  able  to  find  the  Chalcan  chiefs  returned  to  discuss  the  matter  with  the 
king  Huitzilihuitl,  Itzcohuatzin,  tlacatecatl,  and  Cuatlecohuatzin,  tlacochcalcatl. 
After  the  chiefs  discovered  this  they  removed  the  keepers  of  the  granary  and 
installed  at  Amaquemecan  a  person  as  lord  of  the  Chichimecas  with  the  title  of 
teohuateuhctli Toteociteuhctli  was  elected  king  of  Chalco-Atenco. 


126  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

The  above-named  guardians  of  the  granaries  who  had  cheated  the  lords  of 
Chalco  were  full  of  fear;  all  the  wise  people — the  commissioners,  the  box  col 
lectors,  the  chiefs,  the  lords,  the  nobles — all  were  united  against  them. 

The  year  9  rabbit,  1410.  At  that  time,  say  the  Cuyohuaques,  Maxtlaton  was 

installed  and  he  became  the  first  king  of  Cuyohuacan Thus  began  this 

royal  house  for  no  one  before  had  been  king  and  the  Cuyohuaques  had  only  a 
principal  chief.  It  was  thirty-three  years  before  that  his  elder  brother  .... 

had  ruled  at  Tlatilulco.  He  was  also  a  son  of  Tezozomoctli [Death  of 

Quetzalmazatzin,  sovereign  of  Itztlacozauhcan-Amaquemecan-Chalco.] 

....  For  four  years  royalty  was  abandoned  (there).  No  one  ruled  over 
Itztlacozauhcan-Amaquemecan-Chalco  and  the  old  country  of  Chalco.  Although 
the  grain  superintendents  were  in  control,  they  were  only  simple  subjects  and 
had  usurped  their  power 

....  After  this  ....  the  Chololtecas  of  Totomihuacan,  the  Tlaxcaltecas, 
the  Tliluilquitepecas  of  Huexotzinco,  the  Quauhquecholtecas,  the  lords  of 
Itztzocan,  those  of  Tetzcuco,  of  Xochimilco,  of  Totollapan,  of  Quauhiiahuac, 
of  Culhuacan,  of  Tullocan,  of  Azcaputzalco,  of  Tenanyocan,  of  Quauhtitlan,  of 
Teocalhuiacan,  of  Matlatzinco,  of  Mazahuacan  and  of  Xiquipilco  were  very 
angry  and  said:  "Let  us  ally  ourselves  against  the  Mexicans  and  declare  war 
upon  them  for  having  put  to  flight  the  lords  of  Chalco.  Are  not  the  Chalcans 
our  protectors?"  .... 

The  Chalcans  at  that  time  were  numerous  and  they  had  lords  installed  in 
the  twenty-five  towns  forming  the  Chalcan  empire.  At  that  time  the  Mexicans 
had  not  raised  themselves  to  any  prominence;  they  had  not  conquered  any 
country,  nor  forced  any  tribes  into  submission ;  they  were  of  little  importance. 
....  [The  Mexican  leaders,  frightened,  explained  the  dishonesty  of  the  grain 
guardians  and  their  enemy  desisted  from  attacking  them.  The  dishonest  guardians 
were  pursued  and  captured.]  .... 

The  year  12  house,  1413 The  Ixmacpaltzin,  tlatquic,  sovereign  of 

Itzcahuacan-Tlacochcalco-Atenco-Chalco,  died.  For  four  years  after  that  there 
were  no  sovereigns,  and  the  guardians  of  the  granaries  ruled 

The  year  1  cane,  1415.  Huitzilihuitl  died Chimalpopoca  installed  as 

king  of  Tenochtitlan.  He  had  at  his  side  his  uncle  Itzcohuatzin,  tlacatecatl, 
and  the  well-known  Teuhtlehuac  as  tlacochcalcatl.  Then  there  took  place  the 

Atencan  war According  to  an  eye-witness  of  the  Tlacochcalcas-Chalcas, 

the  war  lasted  only  35  years,  as  is  indicated  in  their  old  book  of  annals 

The  year  4  rabbit,  1418 In  this  year  Ixtlilxochitl,  sovereign  of  Tetz 
cuco,  was  assassinated.  The  Chalcans  and  the  Tepanecans  assassinated  him  at 
the  command  of  Tezozomoctli. 

The  year  11  house,  1425 Then  the  lords  of  all  the  Chalcan  countries 

refused  the  demands  of  the  Mexicans;  they  would  no  longer  obey  them,  nor  let 
them  come  to  their  country,  as  this  account  has  shown 

The  year  12  rabbit,  1426 In  this  same  year  Chimalpopoca  was  assassi 
nated.  The  Tepanecans  killed  him 

The  year  13  cane,  1427 Itzcohuatzin  was  installed  as  king  of  Tenoch 
titlan.  He  had  with  him  his  nephew  Moteuhczoma,  with  the  title  of  tlacatecatl, 
and  ....  Tlacaeleltzin  as  atecpanecatl. 

Then  the  Tepanecans  also  undertook  war  and  came  to  a  hand  to  hand 
encounter  with  the  Mexicaus-Tenochcas. 

In  this  same  year  Tlacateotzin,  ruler  of  Tlatilolco  .  .  .  was  assassinated  .... 

The  Tepanecans-Tlacopanecans  were  the  ones  who  did  it It  was  on 

account  of  these  (two  events)  that  war  broke  out  between  the  Mexicans  and 
the  Tepanecans. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       127 

The  year  1  flint,  1428 Then  began  the  terrible  war  between  Tepano- 

huayan  and  Azcaputzalco.  The  Tepanecans  were  the  victors.  Maxtlaxochitl,  the 

ruler  of  Tepanohuayan,  was  driven  from  his  home The  Tepanecans  of 

Azcaputzalco  had  not  yet  been  destroyed  and  the  Mexicans  had  not  yet  made 
themselves  masters  of  the  town  of  Azcaputzalco. 

In  this  same  year  the  principal  chief  of  Chalco  put  Moteuhczoma  and 
Tepolomitzin  into  prison,  as  well  as  ....  the  prince  of  Tlatilulco  and  another 

Mexican  noble [They  were  to  be  put  to  death,  but  escaped  with  the 

connivance  of  the  prison  guardians,  who  paid  for  it  with  their  lives.] 

When  the  Axcaputzalcans  succumbed,  Tlacaeleltzin  took  possession  of  the 
country  of  Azcaputzalco. 

Then  also  Chimalpilli  the  Elder,  ruler  of  Ecatepec,  was  installed.  He  was 
still  in  his  cradle  when  he  was  installed. 

The  year  2  house,  1429 The  Mexicans  did  not  wish  to  listen  to  the 

pleas  (of  the  Azcaputzalcans),  for  they  wished  to  destroy  the  town  and  divide 
the  land  of  the  Azcaputzalcans  among  themselves.  [Maxtlatin  tried  to  incite 
some  of  the  towns,  especially  Cuyohuacan,  against  the  Mexicans.]  War  was 
immediately  declared  ....  against  Cuyohuacan,  and  part  of  the  town  was 
taken.  Then  the  Mexicans  began  their  war  against  the  Xochimilcans. 

The  year  3  rabbit,  1430 Then  the  Xochimilcans  were  conquered.  It 

was  under  Itzcohuatzin  that  the  Mexicans  conquered  them.  The  Cuyohuacans 

went  to  their  residence  at  Texcalla In  this  year  the  Tlacopanecans  and 

the  Tlacahuitlahuas  entered  Tenochtitlan 

The  year  4  cane,  1431 Then  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  Tlatilulcans. 

....  In  this  same  year  Nezahuacoyotl  was  installed  as  sovereign  of  Tetzcuco- 
Acolhuacan 

Then  also  the  Acolhuan-Tetzcucans  were  conquered The  battle  only 

lasted  half  a  day The  Tetzcucans  retired  to  their  own  home.  It  was 

Nezahualcoyotl  who  caused  their  defeat  and  the  Mexicans-Tenochcas  were  allies. 
....  After  having  triumphed  at  Cuyohuacan,  the  Mexican  lords  returned  and 
put  themselves  at  the  head  of  affairs  and  also  gave  themselves  titles.  Tlacae 
leltzin  took  the  title  of  tlacachcalcatl ;  Moteuhczoma,  that  of  tlacatecatl ;  Tlaca-' 
huepan,  that  of  yezhuahuacatl ;  Cuatlecoulatl,  that  of  thllancalqui ;  these  four 
princes  were  the  assessors  of  the  king  Itzcohuatzin.  Seventeen  other  princes, 
all  great  chieftains,  each  received  a  title  for  bravery. 

The  year  5  flint,  1432 Then  the  Mexicans  conquered  the  Quauhque- 

choltecas  so  completely  that,  after  the  battle,  they  disappeared  as  a  people. 
Then  the  Mexicans  also  conquered  the  people  of  Mizquic  and  destroyed 
them 

The  year  13  flint,  1440 Then  Itzcohuatl  died He  had  made  war 

with  the  aid  of  his  nephew  Tlacaeleltzin.  Together  they  had  conquered  the 
Azcaputzalcans,  the  Cuyohuacas,  Xochimilcans,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Cuitla- 
huacan.  Tlacaeleltzin  fought  valiantly  and  with  success,  although  he  never 
tried  to  be  powerful  in  the  city  of  Tenochtitlaii.  But  he  governed  nobly  and 
lived  in  affluence  and  was  happy 

There  were  many  great  kings  who  inspired  fear  far  and  wide  (afterwards), 
but  the  one  who  was  the  most  courageous,  the  most  illustrious  in  the  state,  was 

the  great  captain,  the  great  warrior  Tlacaeleltzin It  was  he  also  who 

established  the  worship  of  the  devil  Huitzilopuchtli,  the  god  of  the  Mexicans 

When  this  prince  (Itzcohuatl)  was  dead,  immediately  after  in  the  same  year 
his  nephew  Moteuhczoma  the  Elder  was  installed. 


128  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

The  year  3  cane,  1443.  Then  the  sovereign  of  Opochhuacan-Tlacochcalco- 
Chalco-Atenco  was  assassinated,  for  some  unknown  reason.  It  was  perhaps  due 
to  his  friendship  with  Moteuhczoma,  king  of  Mexico,  and  Nezahualcoyotzin, 
king  of  Tetzcuco 

In  this  year  Popocatzin,  lord  atlauhtecatl,  was  installed  as  sovereign  of 
Tzacualtitlan-Tenanco-Amaquemecan-Chalco.  He  was  merely  a  great  lord  and 
not  a  prince,  but  he  was  very  rich,  and  because  of  his  riches  he  had  been 
introduced  into  the  palace  by  two  princes. 

In  this  year  the  Mexicans  made  war  upon  Tlalmanalco  and  took  possession 
of  the  country  of  Itzpompatepec 

The  year  6  rabbit,  1446 In  this  year,  as  some  Mexican  elders  say,  the 

great  war  against  Chalco  began.  For  twenty  years  there  had  been  peace  at 
Chalco;  the  Mexicans  did  not  enter  Chalco  and  the  Chalcans  did  not  penetrate 
into  Mexico-Tenochtitlan.  Then  Moteuhzcomatzin  and  the  vice-king  demanded 
that  they  (the  Chalcans)  should  bring  stones  for  the  temple,  for  the  Mexicans 
were  going  to  raise  a  temple  to  their  god  Huitzilopochtli  at  Tepehualpan.  It  is 
for  this  reason  that  the  Chalcans  became  angry. 

The  year  9  house,  1449 In  this  year  Nezahualcoyotl,  king  of  Tetzcuco, 

conquered  the  inhabitants  of  Tullantzinco  and  the  latter  became  his  vassals. 

The  year  1  rabbit,  1454 It  is  said  that  this  year  1  rabbit  was  an 

extremely  unfortunate  one;  there  were  many  deaths.  The  people  died  of  thirst. 
From  Chalco  came  foxes,  ferocious  beasts,  lizards,  etc.,  and  they  devoured  the 
people.  The  famine  was  so  intense  that  the  old  Mexicans  sold  themselves;  they 
took  refuge  in  the  woods,  where  they  lived,  unhappy  and  feeble.  For  four 
years  there  was  nothing  to  eat  in  the  country,  so  that  the  older  Mexicans  sold 
themselves,  and  two  divisions,  it  is  said,  delivered  themselves  into  servitude. 
It  is  for  that  reason  that  the  Totonacs  came  to  buy  Mexicans  with  corn,  and 
it  was  at  Cuextlan  that  they  brought  corn  to  the  Mexicans.  Up  to  that  time 
they  had  not  as  yet  had  the  custom  of  using  corn  bread.  They  put  themselves 
in  holes  and  died  in  any  place  they  found  and  the  lizards  devoured  them,  for 
there  was  no  one  to  bury  them 

Then  the  Tetzcucans  began  to  construct  the  aqueduct  to  Chapultepec.  It 
was  the  sovereign  of  the  Acolhuas,  Nezahualcoyotzin,  who  gave  the  order  to 
do  it,  so  that  the  water  might  reach  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  and  be  of  service  to 
his  uncle,  Moteuhczoma  the  Elder. 

The  year  2  cane,  1455 Then  took  place  the  tying  of  the  year;  it  was 

the  eighth  time  that  the  ancient  Mexican-Chichimecans  "tied  together  their 
years"  after  their  departure  from  Aztlan.  It  was  at  Huixachtecatl,  Itzta- 
pallapan  Mountain  that  the  sacred  fire  was  renewed. 

Then  it  rained  a  great  deal  and  there  was  an  abundance  of  food. 

The  Chalcans  were  conquered  for  the  first  time. 

The  year  3  flint,  1456 The  Mexicans  (began)  to  conquer  the  country 

of  Panohuayan  and  carried  the  war  up  to  the  entrance  of  Amaquemecan-Chalco; 
they  afterwards  returned  to  Panohuayan,  not  having  been  able  to  penetrate 
into  the  town  of  Amaquemecan. 

Then  the  mouse  devoured  many  things. 

The  year  4  house,  1457 Then  there  appeared  in  the  midst  of  the 

magueys  the  devil  whom  one  calls  Tezcatlipoca;  he  was  the  god  of  the  Tlaeoch- 
calcas-Nonohualcas-Teotlixcas,  who  guided  them  in  the  war. 

The  year  5  rabbit,  1458 Then  the  Mexicans  established  the  temalacatl 

upon  which  they  afterwards  immolated  their  captives.  Then  Moteuhczoma  the 
Elder  conquered  Cohuayxtlahuacan.  He  also  conquered  the  inhabitants  of 
Tepozcollollan 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       129 

The  year  6  cane,  1459 Then  our  ancestors  named  Necuametzin  and 

Huehuetopoztli,  the  lords  of  Tlalmanalco,  went  to  ask  Moteuhczoma  the  Elder, 
king  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  as  representatives  of  the  towns  of  the  state  of 
Chalco,  to  prepare  the  bread  and  the  tortillas,  i.e.,  to  declare  war.  .  .  .  But 
Moteuhzcoma  the  Elder  would  not  make  the  bread  or  tortillas  in  order  to 
protect  the  towns  of  the  state  of  Chalco 

The  year  6  -flint,  1460 Then  Xihuitlemoc  was  installed  as  sovereign 

of  Xochimilco-Tecpan Soon  after  (Quauhtlahtohuatzin's  death)  Moqui- 

huix  was  installed  as  the  sovereign  of  Tlatilulco.  The  old  Tlatilulcans  say  that 
he  came  to  Tlatilulco,  which  was  not  his  home,  and  that  it  was  Moteuhzcoma 
the  Elder  who  had  him  installed  there  because  he  was  his  nephew,  being  the 
son  of  his  elder  sister.  Moquihuix  took  possession  of  his  power  (office)  on  the 
thirteenth  day  of  ozomatli 

The  year  12  house,  1465 Then  the  Chalcans  were  destroyed.  Those 

who  survived  left  for  the  town  of  Amaquemecan,  to  which  place  the  Mexicans 
crossed  over  after  they  had  conquered  us.  The  Chalcan  lords  who  left  went  to 
Huexotzinco  and  took  refuge  in  our  town 

The  war  now  being  ended,  the  people  of  Tecpan  and  Tlacochcalca  sought  to 
obtain  their  bread  and  their  tortillas  from  Moteuhzcoma  the  Elder.  It  is  for 
this  purpose  that  our  renowned  ancestors,  our  chiefs,  gave  their  first  market  to 
the  Totolimpas  and  the  woods  to  the  people  of  Tempa,  as  it  is  narrated  in  the 
history  of  the  Tlalmanalcans.  Although  the  Tlalmanalcans  had  thus  spoken, 
the  Amaquemequas  knew,  they  said,  that  there  was  another  market  place  at 
Amaquemecan,  which  was  the  property  of  the  Nonohualcas,  the  Poyauhtecas  and 
the  people  of  Panohuayan. 

The  year  13  rabbit,  1466 Then  the  water  of  Chapultepec  was  brought 

to  Mexico.  The  Tetzcucans  brought  it  there  under  the  order  of  Nezahual- 
coyotzin.  The  aqueduct  had  been  finished  after  thirteen  years  of  work.  Then 
also  the  people  of  Tepeyacac  were  conquered. 

The  year  1  cane,  1467 Then  the  work  on  the  construction  of  the 

temple  of  Huitzilopchtli,  which  the  Mexican-Tenochcas  were  erecting,  was  begun 
again. 

The  year  2  flint,  1468 Then  Moteuhzcoma  the  Elder  died He 

had  ordered  that  his  younger  cousin  Axayacatl  should  reign  before  the  latter 's 
two  elder  brothers,  Tizocic  and  Ahuitzotl,  because  he  was  a  great  warrior  and 
an  illustrious  captain 

The  year  3  house,  1469 Then  Axayacatl  was  installed  as  king  of 

Tenochtitlan.  He  gave  offices  to  the  two  sons  of  Moteuhzcoma  the  Elder, 
named  Machimalle  and  Iquehuac.  But  these  princes  did  not  reign.  They  hated 
Axayacatzin  and  opposed  his  collection  of  taxes. 

[The  king  of  Tlatilulco  tried  to  induce  the  conquered  Chalcans  to  aid  him 
in  a  war  against  Mexico.  They  refused  and  they  themselves  were  conquered.] 

It  was  now  four  years  since  the  installation  of  Axayacptzin,  during  which 
period  our  ancestors  had  governed  the  state  of  Tlalmanalco-Chalco.  (The  four 
chiefs)  were  to  go  to  receive  their  orders  from  the  monarch  Axayacatzin 
according  to  the  history  of  the  Tlalmanalcans 

The  year  5  cane,  1471 Then  Axayacatzin  conquered  the  inhabitants 

of  Michuacan  and  the  Mazahuacs 

The  year  9  cane,  1475 From  this  time  on  the  state  of  Tlatilulco  ceased 

to  exist.  The  tlacochcalcatl,  Itzquauhtzin,  was  installed  as  governor-general  and 
not  as  king.  No  diadem  was  put  upon  him,  but  he  had  the  power  of  a  sovereign 
and  in  fact  governed  the  Tlatilulcans.  It  was  Axayacatzin  who  installed 
him.  . 


130  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

The  year  13  cane,  1479 Now  for  the  first  time  the  Amaquemecas  and 

the  Tlalmanalcas-Chalcas  went  to  sing  before  the  Mexicans 

The  year  1  flint,  1480 Then  the  king  Axayacatzin  worked  and  culti 
vated  the  country  of  Amaquemecan-Chalco  in  the  places  called  Xocoyoltepec 
and  Oztotipec;  it  was  his  property,  the  apanage  of  the  lords  of  Mexico- 
Tenochtitlan  and  they  governed  from  that  time  on 

The  year  2  house,  1481.  Then  Axayacatzin  died Immediately  after 

his  elder  brother  Tizocicatzin  was  installed  as  sovereign  of  Tenochtitlan. 
Axayacatzin  had  had  the  places  called  Xocoyoltepec  and  Oztoticpac,  in  the 
country  of  Amaquemecan-Chalco,  sown  with  seed;  but  it  was  not  he  who 
enjoyed  the  harvest,  but  Tizocicatzin 

The  year  7  rabbit,  1486 It  was  now  twenty-two  years  since  peace 

had  been  made  and  there  were  no  more  sovereigns.  Governors  were  installed 
at  Amaquemecan  and  in  four  other  localities,  namely,  Chalco,  Tlalmanalco, 

Tenaneo-Tepopolla,  and  Xochilmilco-Chimalhuacan No  one  ruled  over  the 

Chalcas.  . 


THE  KEIGN  OF  TEZOZOMOCTLI48 

(1)  From  the  land  of  the  tzihuac  bushes,  from  the  land  of  the  mezquite 
bushes,  where  was  ancient  Chicomoztoc,  thence  came  all  our  rulers  hither. 

(2)  Here   unrolled  itself   the   royal   line   of   Colhuacan,   here   our   nobles   of 
Colhuacan  united  with  the  Chichimecs. 

(3)  Sing    for    a    little    while    concerning    these,    O    children,    the    sovereign 
Huitzilihuitl,  the  judge  Quauhxilotl,  of  our  bold  leader  Tlalnahuacatl,  of  the 
proud  bird  Ixtilxochitl,  those  who  went  forth,  and  conquered  and  ruled  before 
God,  and  bewail  Tezozomoctli. 

(4)  A  second  time  they  left  the  mezquite  bushes  in  Hue  Tlalpan,  obeying 
the  order  of  God. 

(5)  They   go   where   are   the   flowers,   where   they   may   gain   grandeur   and 
power;   dividing  asunder  they  leave  the  mountain  Atloyan  and  Hue  Tlalpan, 
obeying  the  order  of  the  Giver  of  Life. 

(6)  It  is  cause  of  rejoicing  that  I  am  able  to  see  our  rulers  from  all  parts 
gathering  together,  arranging  in  order  the  words  of  the  Giver  of  Life,  and  that 
their  souls  are  caused  to  see  and  to  know  that  God  is  precious,  wonderful,  a 
sweet   ointment,  and  that  they  are  known  as  flowers  of  wise   counsel  in   the 
affairs  of  war. 

(7)  There  was  Tochin,  with  many  boats,  the  noble  Acolmiztlan,  the  noble 
Catocih,   Yohuallatonoc,    and    Cuetzpaltin,   and   Iztaccoyotl,   bold   leaders   from 
Tlaxcalla  and  Coatziteuctli,  and  Huitlalotzin,  famed  as  flowers  on  the  field  of 
battle. 

(8)  For  what  purpose  do  you  make  your  rulers,  men  of  Huexotzinco?     Look 
at  Acolhuacan,  where  the  men  of  Huexotzinco  are  broken  with  toil,  are  trodden 
upon  like  paving  stones,  and  wander  around  the  mountain  Atloyan. 

(9)  There  is   a  ceiba  tree,   a  cypress  tree;    there  stands   a  mezquite  bush, 
strong  as  a  cavern  of  stone,  known  as  the  Giver  of  Life. 

(10)  Kuler  of  men,  Nopiltzin,  Chicimec,  O  Tezozomoctli,  why  hast  thou  made 
us  sick,  why  brought  us  to  death,  though  not  desiring  to  offer  war  and  battle 
to  Acolhuacan? 


48  This  is  Brinton's  translation.   Cf.  Ancient  Nahuatl  Poetry,  Philadelphia,  1890. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       131 

(11)  But  we  lift  our  voices  and  rejoice  in  the  Giver  of  Life;  the  men  of 
Colhuacan  and  the  Mexican  leader  have  ruined  us,  through  not  desiring  to  offer 
war  and  battle  to  Acolhuacan. 

(12)  The  only  joy  on  earth  will  be  again  to  send  the  shield-flower,  again  to 
rejoice  the  Giver  of  Life;  already  are  discontented  the  faces  of  the  workers  in 
filth. 

(13)  Therefore  you  rejoice  in  the  shield-flowers,  the  flowers  of  night,  the 
flowers  of  battle;  already  are  ye  clothed,  ye  children  of  Quetzalmamatzin  and 
Huitznahueatl. 

(14)  Your  shield  and  your  wall  of  safety  are  there  where  dwells  the  sweet 
joy  of  war,  where  it  comes,  and  sighs,  and  lifts  its  voice;  where  dwell  the  nobles, 
the  precious  stones,  making  known  their  faces;   thus  you  give  joy  to  the  Giver 
of  Life. 

(15)  Let  your  dancing  and  banqueting  be  in  the  battle;  there  be  your  place 
of  gain,  your  scene  of  action,  where  the  noble  youths  perish. 

(16)  Dressed  in  their  feathers  they  go  rejoicing  the  Giver  of  Life  to  the 
excellent  place,  the  place  of  shards. 

(17)  He  lifed  up  his  voice  in  our  houses  like  a  bird,  that  man  of  Huexotzinco, 
Iztaccoyotl. 

(18)  Whoever  is  aggrieved  let  him  come  forth  with  us  against  the  men  of 
Tlaxcallan,  let  him  follow  where  the  city  of  Huexotzinco  lets  drive  its  arrows. 

(19)  Our   leaders   shall   lay   waste,   they   shall   destroy   the   land,   and   your 
children,  O  Huexotzincos,  shall  have  peace  of  mind. 

(20)  The  mezquite  was  there,  the  tzihuac  was  there,  the  Giver  of  Life  had 
set  up  the  cypress;  be  sad  that  evil  has  befallen  Huexotzinco,  that  it  stands 
alone  in  the  land. 

(21)  In  all  parts  there  are  destruction  and  desolation;   no  longer  is  there 
protection  or  safety,  nor  has  the  one  only  God  heard  the  song;  therefore  speak 
it  again,  you  children. 

(22)  The  words  may  be  repeated,  you  children,  and  give  joy  to  the  Giver 
of  Life  at  Tepeyacan. 

(23)  And  since  you  are  going,  you  Tlaxcallans,  call  upon   Tlacomihuatzin 
that  he  may  yet  go  to  this  divine  war. 

(24)  The  Chichimecs  and  the  leaders  and  Iztaccoyotl  have  with  difficulty 
and  vain  labor  arranged  and  set  in  order  their  jewels  and  feathers. 

(25)  At  Huexotzinco  the  ruler  Quiauhtzin   hates  the   Mexicans,   hates   the 
Acolhuacans;  when  shall  we  go  to  mix  with  them,  to  meet  them? 

(26)  Set  to  work  and  speak,  you  fathers,  to  your  rulers,  to  your  lords,  that 
they  may  make  a  blazing  fire  of  the  smoking  tzihuac  wood. 

(27)  The  Acolhuacans  were  at  Chalco,  the  Otomies  were  in  your   cornfields 
at  Quauhquechollan;  they  laid  them  waste  by  the  permission  of  God. 

(28)  The  fields  and  hills  are  ravaged,  the  whole  land  has  been  laid  waste. 

(29)  To  what  remedy  can  they  turn?     Water  and  smoke  have  despoiled  the 
land  of  the  rulers;  they  have  gone  back  to  Mictlan,  attaching  themselves  to  the 
ruler  Cacamatl.     To  what  remedy  can  they  turn1? 


132  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.      [Vol.  17 


PART  IV.     OUTLINES  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  ANCIENT 

MEXICANS 

Before  a  really  critical  study  of  all  the  primary  and  secondary 
sources  relating  to  the  history  of  the  ancient  Mexicans  has  been  made 
no  definite  results  are  to  be  hoped  for  in  tracing  the  development  of 
their  civilization.  In  a  general  way,  however,  some  of  the  main  facts 
of  the  evolution  of  their  civilization  stand  out  with  such  definiteness, 
even  from  the  rather  cursory  study  of  the  sources  that  has  been  made, 
that  it  seems  possible  to  reconstruct  the  salient  features  with  some 
degree  of  assurance.  What  we  shall  attempt  here  is  such  a  reconstruc 
tion.  It  lays  no  claim  to  finality  nor  originality,  and  is  concerned 
almost  exclusively  with  Mexico-Tenochtitlan. 

The  history  of  the  Axtecs  divides  itself  naturally  into  three  epochs, 
the  early  migration  period,  the  period  of  contact  with  the  peoples 
of  the  valley,  and  that  from  the  founding  of  the  city  of  Mexico- 
Tenochtitlan  to  the  Conquest.  The  same  threefold  division  holds  for 
all  the  other  Nahuatlan  tribes  who  preceded  them.  We  have  gen 
erally  been  accustomed  to  regard  the  migration  period  as  almost  cer 
tainly  more  legendary  than  historical  and  to  look  askance  at  most  of 
the  details  concerning  the  early  contact  with  the  civilizations  of  the 
valley.  For  a  number  of  years,  owing  probably  to  the  influence  of 
Brinton,  who  regarded  the  Toltecs  as  unhistorical,  and  Bandelier, 
who  was  supremely  critical  of  anything  that  seemed  to  credit  the 
ancient  Mexicans  with  a  high  degree  of  culture,  we  in  America  have 
been  uncritically  sceptical  of  the  historical  authenticity  of  the  sources 
relating  to  these  people.  A  glance  at  the  sources  printed  in  this 
paper  ought  to  do  much  to  dissipate  this  erroneous  impression. 

The  recent  archaeological  discoveries  and  the  definite  demonstra 
tion  of  the  affinities  of  Nahuatl  with  the  Shoshonean  language  have  in 
the  main  corroborated  the  persistent  assertions  of  these  old  documents 
about  their  migrations  and  about  the  highly  developed  civilizations 
they  encountered  when  they  entered  the  valley  of  Mexico. 

The  archaic  stratum  generally  known  to  archaeologists  as  the 
Tarascan  is  found  scattered  over  a  very  extensive  area,  from  northern 
Mexico  south  to  Guatamala,  Salvador,  and  Nicaragua  and  was  devel 
oped  and  disseminated  by  the  Nahuatlan  tribes.  The  journey  through 


1920]       Rodin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       133 

^iichoacan,   the   Tarasc3Ji__areai   occupies   an  important   part   in   the 
(  migration  legends. 

The  study  of  the  stratification  of  remains  at  certain  places  in  the 
valley  also  bears  out  a  number  of  the  details  found  in  the  sources 
regarding  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  Toltec  influence.  At  Atzcapot- 
zalco,  situated  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Tezcuco,  the  Toltecan  layer  is  ojL 
lesser  thickness  than  that  found  in  Colhuacan  and  this  can~De^corre- 
lated  with  the  fact  that  the  former  city  was  not  as  thoroughly  Toltecan 
as  the  latter  and  with  the  claims  made  that  the  Toltecs  were  not 
entirely  destroyed  everywhere,  but  actually  found  refuge  in  Colhua 
can.  It  is  an  individual  from  Colhuacan  who  is  instrumental,  accord 
ing  to  the  accounts  in  the  Mapa  Tlotzin  and  the  Mapa  Quinatzin,  in 
introducing  the  Chichimec  leader,  Xolotl,  to  the  refinements  of  civi 
lization. 

We  are  consequently  on  safe  ground  in  assuming  an  extensive 
and  complex  Toltecan  culture.  What  its  salient  characteristics  were, 
we  know,  in  an  external  way,  from  the  monuments  and  other  archaeo 
logical  remains  that  have  been  discovered.  For  other  facts  we  have 
to  rely  upon  such  original  sources  as  the  Mapa  Tlotzin  and  such  late 
sources  as  the  Anales  of  Cuauhtitlan  and  Ixtlixochitl.  The  latter,  be 
it  remembered,  claimed  to  have  based  his  statements  upon  original 
documents,  of  which  a  few  have  survived. 

The  Anales  of  Cuauhtitlan  are  dated  and  claim  to  go  back  to  the 
year  635  A.D.,  but  the  internal  evidence  is  against  placing  too  much 
reliance  upon  any  date  as  early  as  this.  No  facts  that  bear  an  his 
torical  impress  are  common  until  the  death  of  Quetzalcoatl,  and  then 
they  are  not  any  too  numerous.  Nothing  before  the  ninth  century 
need  be  accepted  as  chronologically  reliable.  But  there  is  no  reason 
why  we  should  hesitate  about  accepting  the  chronology  as  approxi 
mately  accurate  from  that  time  on,  for  both  the  increasing  mass  of 
historical  detail  and  other  internal  evidence  make  it  quite  plausible. 

If  Aztec  sources  seem  reliable  from  the  thirteenth  century  on  and 
uncertain  for  the  century  before  that,  and  if  those  relating  to  the 
Nahuatlan  tribes  preceding  the  Aztec  can  be  trusted  as  far  back 
possibly  as  the  eleventh  century,  then  we  can  justifiably  assume  that 
the  Toltecan  sources  are  to  be  trusted  as  far  back  as  the  ninth  century. 
So  here  again  we  see  that  a  significance  attaches  to  the  increase  in 
facts  that  look  historical  at  certain  places  in  the  old  documents. 
Everything  before  the  ninth  century  must  have  been  hazy.  The 
attempts  at  a  reconstruction  of  this  period  show  this  very  clearly  in 


134  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

the  prominence  given  to  purely  mythical  detail,  and  also  in  the  fixity 
assigned  the  duration  of  the  reigns  of  different  rulers.  There  is  a 
very  suspicious  recurrence  of  the  number  fifty-two,  which,  of  course, 
is  that  of  the  Mexican  time  cycle. 

All  this  is  quite  in  consonance  with  other  facts.  The  center  of  the 
great  civilization  or  civilizations  of  which  the  Toltecan  was  but  one 
phase  is  much  farther  to  the  south  than  any  of  the  places  assigned 
to  the  Toltecs  by  the  old  sources.  They  most  assuredly  did  not  invent 
nor  even  materially  aid  in  developing  the  system  of  writing  or  the 
elaborate  calendar  of  that  area.  All  the  available  evidence  points  to 
the  Zapotecs  as  the  intermediaries  between  the  great  Mayan  civiliza 
tion  where  this  great  culture  was  probably  centralized  and  the  people 
to  the  north  of  them,  the  Toltecs.  These  Toltecs,  we  have  even  some 
ground  for  supposing,  spoke  a  language  that  was  intelligible  to  the 
Nahuatlan  people  and  they  may  not  have  preceded  them  by  many 
centuries.  The  peculiar  distribution  of  the  Nahua  tongue49  all  over 
southern  Mexico,  which  we  now  definitely  know  can  not  be  ascribed 

>£*"  ^V     ^v  *w 

to  the  planting  of  Aztec  colonies  in  the  fifteenth  century,  may  per 
haps  be  part  of  this  great  Toltec  migration.  Archaeology  seems  also 
to  come  to  our  aid,  for  the  thickness  of  the  Toltec  strata  increases 
as  we  go  south  from  the  valley  of  Mexico  and  becomes  more  and  more 
similar  to  the  culture  strata  of  the  Huastec  to  the  east  and  the  Mixtec- 
Zapotec  to  the  south  and  southwest. 

The  Aztecs  proper,  coming  so  long  after  the  so-called  destruction 
of  the  Toltec  kingdom,  never  refer  to  the  latter,  but  the  Nahuatlan 
tribes  who  preceded  them,  such  as  the  Acolhuan,  who  founded,  among 
others,  the  well-known  pueblos  of  Tollantzinco,  Cholula,  Tlaxcalla,  and 
Tehuacan ;  and  later  on  the  Tepanec  branch  of  the  Nahuatlan  people, 
the  founders  of  the  pueblos  of  Atzcapotzalco,  Tlacopan,  and  Coyo- 
huacan — these  peoples  still  remembered  the  contest  with  the  Toltecs ; 
and  the  people  who  are  represented  as  the  masters  of  the  Aztecs  in 
the  early  years  of  their  history,  the  natives  of  Culhuacan,  were  very 
likely  descendants  of  the  Toltecs,  although  mixed  with  both  Nahuatlan 
immigrants  and  with  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  country, 
probably  the  Otomi. 

However  it  was  not  only  the  Nahuatlan  tribes  who  kept  the  Toltec 
tradition  alive.  The  Otomi,  who  certainly  formed  the  main  element 
among  the  settlers  who  founded  such  important  towns  as  Xaltocan, 
Tenayucan,  and  lastly  Tezcuco  itself,  came  into  very  intimate  touch 

49  Nahuatlan  dialects  are  found  near  the  Chinantecs  of  Tuxtepec  and  in  the 
district  of  Pochutla,  Oaxaca. 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       135 

with  the  descendants  of  Toltec  refugees  and  with  the  Acolhuans,  who 
had  themselves  been  in  contact  with  the  Toltecs  before  the  final  dis 
memberment  of  their  empire.  Indeed  it  is  from  Tezcucan  sources 
that  we  get  most  of  the  facts  known  to  us  about  the  Toltecs. 

Even  in  early  Tezcucan  or  Chichimec  sources  like  the  Codex 
Xolotl,  the  Mapa  Tlotzin,  and  the  Mapa  Quinatzin,  the  Toltecs  have 
already  become  idealized,  and  this  probably  accounts  for  the  fact  that 
their  rulers,  especially  Quetzalcoatl  (this  may  very  well  have  been 
the  name  of  one  of  them)  have  become  merged  with  the  old  prehistoric 
culture  heroes. 

We  need  not  believe  in  an  actual  destruction  of  the  Toltec  nation 
to  accept  the  fact  that  their  power  was  definitely  broken  and  their 
settlements  dispersed.  Even  the  hostile  sources  that  have  come  down 
to  us  in  Ixtlilxochitl,  while  they  insist  in  one  breath  that  the  nation 
was  wiped  out,  tell  us  in  another  that  large  remnants  sought  refuge 
in  the  more  inaccessible  parts  of  the  country  and  were  gradually 
absorbed  and  merged  in  Nahuatlan  and  Otomi  settlements. 

All  the  evidence  at  our  disposal  indicates  that  it  would  be  erroneous 
if  for  one  moment  we  unduly  simplified  the  problem  by  imagining 
the  ethnographic  picture  of  the  Toltec  area  as  otherwise  than  very 
complex.  The  Acolhuans  did  not  wait  behind  the  scenes  until  the 
Toltecs  had  developed  to  a  certain  point,  and  then  appear  upon  the 
stage.  They  very  likely  made  their  appearance  not  long  after  the 
Toltecs  and  their  settlements  probably  began  to  flourish  before  the 
Toltec  civilization  was  a  thing  of  the  past 

It  should  also  be  remembered  that  the  aboriginal  people  of  this 
region,  the  Otomi,  were  always  an  element  of  danger  for  the  new 
comers.  To  some  degree  the  Otomi  were  undoubtedly  absorbed  into 
the  general  Toltec  culture,  but  this  absorption  was  apparently  only 
sporadic.  In  the  main  the  Otomi  were  a  rude,  warlike  people  who  at 
any  opportune  moment  were  likely  to  develop  sufficient  strength  to 
overwhelm  the  \Acolhuans,  as  they  eventually  did.  But  apparently 
this  only  occur rksL-after  the  Toltecs  had  transmitted  enough  of  their 
culture  to  numerous  other  pueblos  in  the  region  to  make  a  reversion 
to  their  old  condition  impossible.  There  was  clearly  a  partial  destruc 
tion  of  their  civilization  in  certain  places  and  this  destruction  was 
undoubtedly  more  complete  in  some  pueblos  than  in  others,  but  their 
culture  soon  reasserted  itself  and  the  "barbarians"  became  civilized. 

The  history  of  the  Chichimecas  as  represented  in  the  above  named 
documents,  the  Codex  Xolotl,  the  Mapa  Tlotzin,  and  the  Mapa  Quin- 


136  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

atzin,  and  in  Ixtlilxochitl  's  works  is  an  excellent  case  in  point.  It  is 
also  on  some  such  assumption  that  we  can  perhaps  explain  what  has 
always  seemed  an  insoluble  contradiction  to  most  of  us,  namely,  the 
fact  that  the  Chichimec  and  other  invaders  are  sometimes  represented 
as  utterly  devoid  of  all  but  the  rudest  type  of  culture,  while  at  other 
times  they  are  pictured  as  possessing  a  fairly  complex  civilization. 

What  we  must  bear  in  mind  above  everything  else  is  that  some 
strong  center  of  culture  was  always  present  in  this  area  and  that  the 
various  invaders  who  attacked  it  were  successful  only  after  many 
years  of  struggle  and  after  they  themselves  had  absorbed  a  large 
portion  of  the  culture  which  they  were  destroying.  Of  Nahuatlan 
nations,  the  AcuLhuans  were  the  first  to  arrive  and  the  first  to  com 
pletely  absorb  the  old  culture.  Tollantzinco,  above  all  Cholula  and 
Tlaxcalla,  developed  cultures  which  were  flourishing  and  important 
when  the  Spaniards  arrived. 

A  little  later  the  civilizing  influences  of  the  old  culture  were  shown 
in  the  fact  that  three  noii-Nahuatlan  pueblos  arose  to  prominence, 
Xaltocan,  Tenayucan,  and  Culhuacan,  all  of  them  of  considerable 
importance  in  Aztec  history. 

Then  another  Nahuatlan  group,  the  Tepanecans,  appeared  with 
their  five  principal  pueblos,  two  of  which  were  later  to  be  the  rivals 
of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  and  one  her  ally.  The  pueblos  were  Atzcapot- 
zalco,  Coyohuacan,  Tlacopan,  Atlaquihuayan,  and  Huitzilopochco. 

Finally  the  Chichimecs  of  Xolotl  appeared  on  the  scene  and  after 
a  comparatively  short  time,  founded  the  city  of  Tezcuco. 

While  hostilities  were  frequent  between  these  pueblos  they  were 
really  never  able  to  conquer  one  another,  and  we  see  different  ones 
extending  their  influence  in  various  directions,  abandoning  some  sites 
and  building  new  towns  on  others.  They  all  had  one  trait  in  common, 
namely  they  had  obtained  their  civilization  from  the  same  source, 
although  some  had  absorbed  it  to  a  greater  extent  than  others. 

It  was  probably  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  if  not 
earlier,  that  the  Aztecs  first  came  in  contact  with  these  civilizations. 

But  before  entering  the  valley,  they  necessarily  had  to  travel  for 
a  considerable  time,  since  their  original  habitat,  wherever  it  may  have 
been,  was  certainly  far  to  the  north  of  the  valley  of  Mexico.  One 
phase  of  their  wanderings,  just  before  they  entered  the  valley  of 
Mexico,  was  apparently  keenly  remembered  and  this  it  is  that  we 
find  incorporated  in  their  early  records. 

There  is  no  evidence  to  justify  our  believing  that  the  migrations 
spoken  of  in  these  early  legends  and  records  are  concerned  with  the 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       137 

•journey  from  an  original  home.  It  is  far  more  likely  that  only  the 
vaguest  and  haziest  recollections  of  their  original  habitat  was  pos 
sessed  by  them  and  this  knowledge  was  so  inextricably  interwoven 
with  myths  as  to  be  of  little  value  for  historical  purposes.  •  The  migra 
tions  the  Aztecs  speak  of  in  the  early  sources  seem  to  have  taken  place 
within  an  area  of  perhaps  two  to  three  hundred  miles. 

The  second  part  of  their  migration  record  starts  with  their  leaving 
Chapultepec,  in  the  valley  of  Mexico  itself,  and  not  far  from  the  place 
where  they  were  afterwards  to  found  their  capital.  They  must  have 
been  in  the  valley  for  some  time  then.  This  leaves  a  comparatively 
short  period  of  time  for  their  long  and  arduous  journey  from  New 
Mexico  or  California,  or  wherever  it  was  that  they  claim  in  their 
records  Aztlan,  their  original  home,  lay.  In  other  words  their  records 
themselves  demonstrate  the  preposterous  nature  of  the  attempts  to 
find  more  than  local  migrations  reflected  in  them. 

At  this  point,  however,  scepticism  must  legitimately  cease.  There 
is  no  reason  for  believing  that  migrations  from  Michoacan  could  not 
be  remembered.  We  may  even  assume  that,  while  the  Aztecs  had 
no  system  of  writing  at  that  time,  they  did  possess  as  great  a  pro 
ficiency  in  keeping  counts  and  remembering  journeys  as  some  of  the 
Plains  Indians  of  the  United  States.  That  would  have  sufficed 
amply  to  fix  in  their  minds  some  of  the  salient  characteristics  of  their 
journeys,  especially  the  places  where  they  stopped,  if  they  stopped 
at  them  long  enough,  the  most  important  dissensions  and  the  larger 
secessions  from  the  tribe.  Many  oral  migration  myths  give  us  such 
details,  which  not  only  look  historical,  but  have  so  often  been  subse 
quently  proved  correct,  that  there  is  a  certain  presumption  of  their 
being  correct  whenever  we  find  them. 

What  we  mean  then  by  the  migration  period  in  Aztec  history  is 
that  period  embracing  their  journey  from  Michoacan  and  their  first 
contact  with  the  civilizations  in  the  valley  of  Mexico.  We  shall  not 
here  go  into  the  rather  unprofitable  subject  of  trying  to  identify  their 
route.  Since,  however,  it  has  played  so  important  a  part  in  all  dis 
cussions  of  Aztec  history,  I  shall  give  the  tabulated  conclusions  arrived 
at  by  Charencey,50  in  which  he  quotes  the  two  important  original 
sources,  the  Codex  Boturini  and  the  Mapa  de  Siguenza,  and  the  three 
most  important  secondary  accounts,  Tr/ozomoc,  Torquemada,  and 
Clavigero.- 


so  Ch.   de   Charencey,   * '  L  'historien    Sahagun   et   les   Migrations   Mexieaines, ' ' 
121-138.     Louvain,  1899. 


138  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 


COMPAEATIVE    TABLE   OF   THE   MIGRATIONS   OF    THE    NAHUATLAN 
TRIBES  AND  THE  AZTECS^i 

1.  a,52  Chicomoztoc-Aztlan ;  c,  Aztlan;  d,  island  in  a  lake;  e,  island  in  a  lake. 

2.  b,  large  river;  c,  Colorado  river;  d,  e,  man  crossing  lake. 

3.  c,  Gila  river   (?)   35  n.l. 

4.  c,  Casas  Grandes  (?) 

5.  a,  Santa  Barbara  ?;  f,  either  in  Sonora  29  n.l.  or  district  of  Autlan,  Jalisco 
20-22  n.l. 

6.  a,  San  Andres    ?;    f,  district  of   San  Pimas,   Durango  n.l.   or   district   of 
Etztatlan,  Jalisco  22  n.l. 

7.  a,  Chalchihvites  or  Chalchignites    ? 
-8.  a,  Guadalaxara  ?;  f,  Jalisco. 

9.  a,  Xochipila;  f,  probably  in  eastern  Jalisco. 

10.  a,  Michaocan. 

11.  a,  Culiacan;   b,  Huey  Culiacan;   c,  Huey  Culiacan  or  south  of  the  moun 
tains  of  Tarahumare;  d,  e,  Culuacan. 

•   -12.  a,  Jalisco;  b,  Chicomoztoc,  seven  grottoes;  c,  Chicomoztoc;  e,  place  where 
the  sacred  tree  was  split. 

13,  14.  d,  unknown  localities. 

15.  d,  Cincotlan. 

16.  d,  Tocolco. 

17.  d,  Oztolan. 

18.  b,  Ameca;  f,  Jalisco,  district  of  Eztatan,  on  the  shores  of  the  Ameca  river. 

19.  b,  Cocula;  f,  Jalisco,  16-20  leagues  south  of  Guadalaxara. 

20.  b,  Zayala;  f,  in  district  of  the  same  name,  Jalisco. 

21.  b,  Zacatula  ?;  f,  Guerrero,  30  n.l. 

22.  a,  Ocopipitla. 

23.  b,  Cohuatly-Camac ;    c,  Coatlicamac;    e,  Coatlicamac;   f,  probably   S.E.   of 
Jalisco. 

24.  b,  place  where  they  stayed  3  years. 

25.  a,  Malinalco;    d,    Malinalco;    f,    Patzcuaro,    Patzcuaro    (?)    or    valley    of 
Toluca   ? 

26.  b,  Matlacahuallan ;   f,  perhaps  near  the  valley  of  Toluca    (?) 

27.  a,  Apanco;  f,  5  leagues  E.  of  Zayula. 

28.  b,  Chimalco. 

29.  b,  Pipitlcomic. 

30.  a,  Acahualtzingo ;  f,  San  Juan  del  Rio,  Queretaro. 

31.  a,  Coatepec,  near   Tonalan;    b,   Tula;    e,   Tula;    e,  leave  Coatepec  in   the 
year  3  teopatl;  f,  in  district  of  Xocotitlan,  about  14  leagues  N.E.  of  Mexico  City. 

32.  a,  Atitlaquia;  b,  Atitlacuyan,  2  years;   e,  Atitlacuiam,  10  years;   f,  about 
21  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City. 

33.  e,  Tlemaco;   f,  near  Atitlaquia. 

34.  d,  Mizquihuala;  f,  about  18  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City. 

35.  d,  Xalpan;   f,  about  10  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City. 


si  Based  on  the  table  of  Ch.  D.  Charencey  in  his  "  L  'historien  Sahagun  et  les 
Migrations  Mexicaines, "  Louvain  1899  (reprinted  from  Museon).  The  table  is 
given  here  because  Charencey 's  little  memoir  is  difficult  to  obtain.  NV 

52  a,  Tezozomoc;  b,  Torquemada;  c,  Clavigero;  d,  Mapa  de  Sigueraa;  e,  Codex 
Boturini;  f,  Charencey 's  identification.  The  Arabic  numerals  refer  to  ithe  stations 
at  which  the  various  Nahuatlan  tribes  stopped  during  their  migration. 


1920]       Eadln:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       139 

36.  d,  Tetepanco;   f,  about  22  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City. 

37.  d,  Oxititlan. 

38.  d,  Teozapotlan;  f,  18-20  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City  (?) 

39.  d,  Atotonilco;  e,  Atotonilco;  f,  22  leagues  N.N.E.  of  Mexico  City. 

40.  b,  Tepexic. 

41.  d,  Ilhuicatepetl ;  f,  8-9  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City. 

42.  d,  Papantla. 

43.  b,  Apasco;  e,  Apasco;  f,  between  Atotonilco  and  Zumpango. 

44.  a,  Tequisquiac;  f,  11  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City. 

45.  a,  Atengo    tzumpanco;    b,    Tzumpango;    c,    Zumpanco,    2   years;    d,   Zum 
pango,  5  years ;  e,  Zumpanco,  6  years ;  f ,  on  the  shores  of  that  lake  about  10  leagues 
north  of  Mexico  City. 

46.  d,  Apasco. 

47.  d,  Aticalaquian. 

48.  a,  Cuachilo. 

49.  a,  Xaltocan   (between  Cuachilo  and  Eycoatl).     Here  they  remained  many 
years;  b,  Xaltocan,  between  Tzompanco  and  Acolhuacan,  11  years;  f,  6  leagues 
N.  of  Mexico  City. 

50.  a,  Eycoatl. 

51.  a,  Cuauhtitlan;   d,  Cuautitlan,  3  years;   e,  Coatitlan;   f,  4-5  leagues  N.E. 
of  Mexico  City. 

52.  a,  unknown  place,  *3  years. 

53.  b,  c,  Tizayocan;  f,  4  leagues  N.E.  of  Zumpango. 

54.  a,  b,  e,  Ecatepec;  f,  Alcaldia,  6  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City. 

55.  a,  e,  Aculhuacan. 

56.  a,  Tultepetlac;  b,  c,  d,  e,  Tolpetlac;  f,  4  leagues  N.  of  Mexico  City. 

57.  b,  Chimalman. 

58.  b,  Coahuitlan. 

59.  a,  b,  e,  Huixachtitlan. 

60.  e,  Amalinalpan. 

61.  d,  e,  Azcapotzalco,  7  years;  f,  3  leagues  N.E.  of  Mexico  City. 

62.  d,  Chalco;  f,  nothing  to  do  with  the  historical  Chalco. 

63.  a,  b,  e,  Tecpayucan. 

64.  a,  Atepetlac. 

65.  b,  d,  Tepeyacac;   f,  N.E.  of  Guadelupe  and  2  leagues  N.N.E.  of  Mexico 
City. 

66.  a,  Coatlayaucan. 

67.  a,  Totepango. 

68.  b,  d,  e,  Pantitlan. 

69.  d,  Epcohuac. 

70.  d,  Cuautepec, 

71.  d,  Chicomoztoc. 

72.  d,  Huitzquilocan. 

73.  d,  unknown  place,  4  years. 

74.  d,  Xaltepozhuacan,  4  years. 

75.  d,  Cozcauhco,  4  years. 

76.  d,  Tecachitlan,  5  years. 

77.  d,  Azcaxochic. 

78.  a,  Atepetlac;   d,  Tepetlapa,  5  years;  f,  probably  Atepetla,   %  league  N. 
of  Mexico  City. 

79.  a,  Coatlayauhcan. 

80.  d,  Pautitlan,  4  years. 


140  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

81.  d,  Acolnahuac,  4  years. 

82.  d,  Apan. 

83.  d,  Teozomaco,  6  years. 

84.  a,  e,  Popotla;  f,  about  2  leagues  E.N.E.  of  Mexico  City. 

85.  e,  unknown  place. 

86.  e,  Atlaculihayan   (Tacukaya),  4  years. 

87.  a,  Techca  tepee;  b,  c,  d,  e,  Chapultepec. 

88.  d,  Coluacan. 

89.  b,  c,  Tizaapan. 

90.  d,  retreat  of  4  years  in  Tezcuco  lake. 

91.  b,  Ocolco;   c,  Acocolco;   d,  place  of  refuge  in  Tezcuco  lake;   e,  Acocolco. 

92.  e,  unknown  place,  2  years. 

93.  d,  Acatzinzintlan    (Mexicaltzinco). 

94.  c,  Tztaclalco. 

95.  d,  uncertain  place. 

96.  d,  4  uncertain  places  at  each  of  which  10  years  were  spent. 


97.  d,  Mixiuhcan. 

98.  d,  unknown  place,  4  yearj^/VJX 


99.  a,  Temacaltzin;   b,  c,  d,fe,  Tenochtitlan. 

A  number  of  points  seem  to  come  out  from  a  study  of  the  two 
prime  sources  and  the  works  of  these  later  writers.  The  Aztecs 
apparently  came  in  contact  with  the  important  cultural  centers  in 
the  following  order,  namely,  Xaltocan,  Atzcapotzalco,  Chapultepec, 
Culhuacan.  Their  fiercest  encounters  were  with  the  Tepanecans;  they 
appear  to  have  been  driven  away  from  Chapultepec,  and,  after  a 
considerable  interval  of  time,  to  have  returned  to  it  ;  and  finally  they 
appear  to  have  been  under  the  domination  of  Culhuacan  for  some 
time  both  before  and  after  the  founding  of  their  city  and  the  inaugu 
ration  of  their  so-called  monarchy. 

So  much  for  the  external  points  of  contact.  Tezozomoc  and  a 
number  of  other  early  writers  represent  the  Aztecs  as  being,  upon 
their  first  entry  into  the  valley  of  Mexico,  rude,  warlike,  and  uncivi 
lized,  and  as  gradually  adopting  the  culture  of  the  tribes  with  whom 
they  came  into  hostile  or  friendly  relations.  Duran  and  the  Codex 
Ramirez,  on  the  contrary,  picture  them  as  having  brought  a  definite 
culture  with  them,  one  similar  to  that  of  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico. 
We  have  here  the  same  contradiction  as  that  found  in  the  statements 
of  Xototl  regarding  the  early  Chichimecs  and  the  origin  of  the  Tez- 
cucan  culture.  The  picture  writings  preserved  seem,  in  part,  to  bear 
out  the  first  contention  (cf.  both  the  Codex  Boturini  and  the  Mapa 
Tlotzin),  for  the  former  shows  us  at  different  places  the  acquisition 
of  certain  cultural  traits  and  possessions.  In  plate  7  we  are,  for 
instances,  shown  how  the  Aztecs,  at  Coatitlan,  first  obtained  the 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       141 

maguey  plant  and  how  it  was  brought  to  them  from  the  province  of 
Chalco.  On  the  other  hand,  the  distinctive  features  of  the  later  Aztec 
culture  are  not  pictured  as  having  been  borrowed,  but  are  projected 
back  into  the  mythical  age,  which  perhaps  bespeaks  a  considerable 
age  for  them.  All  the  accounts  of  these  early  periods  were  written 
when  the  Aztecs  had  completely  adopted  the  valley  civilization  and 
some  of  them  are  vitiated  by  the  tendency  which  Mexico-Tenochtitlan, 
as  well  as  the  other  towns,  seems  to  have  possessed,  of  investing  their 
ancestors  with  the  rudest  type  of  culture  and  the  Toltecs  with  a 
mythical  magnificence.  All  the  Nahuatlan  tribes  are  pictured  as 
Chichimecs,  savages,  and  barbarians.  During  the  time  they  lived  in 
parts  of  Michoacan  and  gradually  drifted  down  toward  the  valley  of 
Mexico,  it  is,  however,  quite  justifiable  to  regard  them  as  being  fairly  I 
civilized  and  as  possessing  all  that  the  Codex  Ranwrcz  claims  for7 
them.53 

When  the  Aztecs  founded  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  and  for  a  long 
period  preceding  that  event,  they  were  assuredly  not  wild  barbarians 
bursting  in  upon  civilized  settlements,  but  people  with  a  definite  social 
organization,  a  systematized  cult,  and  agriculture.  Had  they  been 
untamed  and  ferocious  warriors  their  traditions  of  the  period  before 
the  founding  of  their  city  would  not  have  been  so  replete  with  dis 
astrous  defeats,  tales  of  servitude,  and  instances  of  the  insults  they 
had  to  suffer  at  the  hands  of  their  enemies. 

The  founding  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  in  the  marshes  of  the  lagoon 
of  Mexico  is  generally  taken  as  the  beginning  of  a  new  era.  It  is 
quite  natural  that  the  Aztecs,  when  looking  back  upon  their  past,  in 
the  days  of  their  prosperity,  should  find  it  proper  and  necessary  to 
have  a  definite  starting  point,  and  that  they  should  thereupon  have 
selected  the  founding  of  their  city  as  such  an  initial  point  of  departure 
to  invest  it,  first  with  an  undue  amount  of  mythical  detail,  and  then 
with  an  unjustified  importance  in  their  history. 

One  thing  is  quite  clear,  namely,  that  the  settlement  the  Aztecs 
made  near  Chapultepec  was  of  a  rather  independent  nature  and  for 
that  reason  it  is  just  as  correct  to  assume  that  the  Aztecs  began  their 
existence  as  a  separate  nation  there  as  at  Mexico-Tenochtitlan.  They 
were,  however,  badly  beaten  in  a  battle  near  Chapultepec  and  com 
pelled  to  flee  from  their  settlement  and  they  never  succeeded  in  regain 
ing  it.  The  importance  of  the  founding  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  as 
the  later  scribes  saw  it,  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  Mexicans  were  never 


Pages  67-123  of  this  monograph. 


142  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

compelled  to  abandon  that  particular  site.  This,  however,  was  some 
thing  that  could  not  very  well  have  been  recognized  until  many 
generations  after  the  actual  founding  of  the  town. 

No  great  change  apparently  accompanied  the  founding  of  this  new 
settlement.  The  servitude  in  which  they  were  being  held  by  Culhua- 
can,  according  to  their  records,  continued  for  some  time  after,  and 
the  election  of  a  ruler  occurred  some  time  later.  The  conditions  under 
which  the  first  ruler  was  chosen  were  not  such  as  would  indicate  very 
much  independence  for  the  newly  founded  city. 

In  short,  the  documents  at  our  disposal,  in  spite  of  the  apparent 
attempt  to  invest  with  glamor  the  founding  of  what  might  be  called 
the  last  and  most  permanent  site  by  the  Aztecs,  do  not  warrant  us 
in  believing  that  this  was  an  event  of  real  importance  or  that  it  was 
associated  with  any  fundamental  changes  in  government.  The  Aztecs 
remained,  as  before,  under  the  domination  of  Culhuacan  and  in  mortal 
dread  of  their  Tepanecan  neighbors  who  had  dealt  them  so  overwhelm 
ing  a  blow  at  Chapultepec. 

The  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  begins  its  account  by  telling  us  how 
the  first  ruler  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  succeeded  in  freeing  the  Aztecs 
from  the  rule  of  Culhuacan.  This  did  not  take  place  until  the  begin 
ning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  thus  leaving  a  bare  one  hundred  and 
twenty  years  for  the  full  development  of  one  of  the  most  specialized 
(Cultures  in  America.  Now  if  we  are  to  accept  the  chronology  of  the 
records,  the  typical  features  of  the  social  organization  must  be  sup 
posed  to  have  matured  in  that  length  of  time  or,  to  be  more  precise, 
in  seventy-five  years  at  most. 

The  successful  struggle  for  independence,  if  we  can  give  it  such 
a  high-sounding  title,  is  connected  with  a  definite  change  in  the  form 
of  government  and  the  adoption  of  a  ruler,  apparently  different  in 
type  from  the  rulers  they  had  been  accustomed  to,  call  him  king 
or  chief  as  you  like.  Now  the  reasons  given  in  the  older  histories, 
such  as  the  Codex  Ramirez  and  Duran,  for  the  change  bear  all  the 
evidences  of  rationalistic  afterthoughts.  The  older  chiefs  like  Huit- 
zilihuitl,  or  Tenoch  himself,  the  reputed  founder  of  the  city,  seem  to 
have  possessed  fairly  extensive  authority,  but  not  even  Tenoch  was 
connected  with  any  fundamental  change  of  government,  far  less  with 
so  fundamental  a  one  as  the  introduction  of  kingship. 

But  was  there  really  so  fundamental  a  change  as  the  records 
claim?  Not  until  Itzcoatl,  the  fourth  of  the  rulers,  did  Mexico- 
Tenochtitlan  rise  to  any  prominence,  and  then  on  account  of  the 


1920]       Eadln:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       143 

defeat  of  the  Tepanecans  by  the  Tezcucans  under  Nezahualcoyotl  and 
the  founding  of  the  tripartite  confederacy  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan, 
Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan.    It  was  under  Itzcoatl  that  really  fundamental 
changes  took  place,  and  it  is  to  him  and  his  nephew,  the  hero  soldier     &4 
and  statesman,  Tlacaellel,  that  they  are  ascribed. 

It  seems  a  reasonable  surmise,  therefore,  to  consider  the  success 
of  the  Aztecs  against  Culhuacan, — the  first  decisive  victory  that  they 
had, — as  having  led  to  the  idealization  of  the  chief  who  happened  to 
be  the  leader  of  that  enterprise,  and  his  elevation  to  a  higher  rank 
in  the  eyes  of  future  generations.  No  undue  stress  need  be  laid  upon 
the  fact  that  he  is  represented  as  belonging  to  the  "royal"  family 
of  Culhuacan  into  which  one  of  the  former  chiefs  of  Mexico-Tenoch 
titlan  had  married,  nor  that  the  Mexicans  are  represented  in  Duran 
and  the  Codex  Ramirez  as  having  gone  to  Culhuacan  to  ask  for  a  ruler. 
This  seems  to  have  been  a  theme  that  later  scribes  were  fond  of  using, 
for  it  appears  again  in  connection  with  Acamapichtli 's  successor.  On 
that  occasion,  according  to  the  Codex  TeUeriano-R&mensis,  the  Mexi 
cans  at  first  decided  to  go  to  Atzcapotzalco  to  obtain  a  leader,  but  at 
the  last  moment  desisted  and  selected  one  from  among  their  own 
ranks. 

Why  should  they  in  both  instances  have  gone  to  hostile  tribes  for 
a  ruler  ?  Even  the  older  sources  like  Duran  felt  that  some  explanation 
was  necessary  and  volunteered  the  explanation  that  the  Aztecs  did  it 
to  increase  their  strength  or  because  they  felt  that,  living  within  the 
confines  of  Culhuacan  and  Atzcapotzalco,  it  behooved  them,  when  they 
had  resolved  upon  the  new  institution  of  "monarchy,"  to  select  a 
ruler  from  among  their  masters.  It  is  far  more  likely  that  this 
insistence  upon  the  connection  of  Acamapichtli  with  the  royal  family 
of  Culhuacan  is  the  reflection  of  a  later  age  that  was  trying  to  estab 
lish  a  pedigree,  and  may  be  connected  with  the  elder  Montezuma's 
attempts  in  that  direction,  which  Duran  describes  at  some  length  in 
his  book. 

Summing  up,  it  may  be  said  that  the  evidence  at  our  disposal 
speaks  against  any  fundamental  change  in  the  form  of  the  government 
having  taken  place  toward  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  but  sug 
gests  the  possibility  that  the  victory  against  Culhuacan  may  have 
enhanced  both  the  importance  and  the  authority  of  the  chief ;  especially 
as  regards  his  war  powers.  The  typical  social  structure  of  the  Aztecs,  | 
the  chief  ruler  and  the  Cihuacoatl,  the  different  ranks  of  warriors  and 
leaders,  the  "electors,"  the  division  of  the  population  into  different 


144  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

classes,  the  land  policy,  etc. — all  these  things  do  not  appear  in  our 
sources  until  the  time  of  Itzcoatl,  that  is  to  say,  about  1430. 

In  spite  of  their  success  in  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  Culhuacan, 
the  Aztecs,  under  their  first  three  rulers,  are  not  represented  as 
entirely  free  from  the  domination  of  Culhuacan  or  Atzcapotzalco. 
All  the  records,  the  original  manuscripts  as  well  as  the  secondary 
sources,  agree  in  placing  them  under  some  kind  of  subjection  to 
Atzcapotzalco,  under  their  second  ruler  Huitzilihuitl.  Little  is  said 
of  Culhuacan  after  the  death  of  Acamapichtli  We  may  consequently 
infer  that  Mexico,  until  the  time  of  Itzcoatl,  was  struggling  against 
the  greatest  of  its  early  rivals,  the  capital  of  the  Tepanecans.  Even 
if  we  accept  as  accurate  the  claims  of  the  Codex  Mendoza  that  Huit 
zilihuitl  conquered  a  number  of  pueblos  and  forced  them  to  pay 
tribute  to  Mexico-Tenochtitlan — the  latter  part  of  which  statement 
is  doubtful — that  would  not  interfere  with  the  assumption  that  the 
latter  city  was  under  some  sort  of  subjection  to  Atzcapotzalco. 

War  broke  out  between  the  Aztecs  and  Tepanecans  under  Huitzili 
huitl  's  successor,  Chimalpopoca,  and  the  Aztecs  clearly  suffered  a  bad 
reverse,  their  ruler  being  captured  and  subsequently  put  to  death. 
Their  history,  at  this  epoch,  became  merged  in  the  greater  struggle 
that  was  going  on  outside  of  their  walls,  the  battle  between  the 
Tepanecans  under  Tezozomoc  and  his  son  Maxtla,  and  the  Tezcucans, 
or  at  least  the  older  branch  of  the  Tezcucans,  under  Ixtlilxochitl  and 
his  son  Nezahualcoyotl. 

We  have  two  sources  for  these  events,  the  Aztec  and  the  Tezcucan, 
the  first  given  in  the  works  of  Duran  and  Tezozomoc,  and  in  the  Codices 
Ramirez,  Tellerwno-Remensis,  and  Mendoza,  and  the  second  in  Ixtlil 
xochitl  and  his  primary  source,  the  Codex  Xolotl.  Both  are  colored, 
as  might  be  expected,  in  the  interests  of  their  own  side.  The  Tezcucan 
account  seems  to  be  far  more  reliable  and  better  authenticated.  If 
we  accept  it,  the  final  conquest  of  the  Tepanecans  and  the  capture 
and  destruction  of  their  capital  city  was  due  to  the  Tezcucans  with 
the  aid  of  the  Aztecs.  To  the  Aztecs,  however,  the  achievement  was 
particularly  their  own,  and  was  hailed  by  future  generations  as  one 
of  the  most  significant  events  in  their  history.  It  was  followed  by 
the  conquest  of  Coyuacan,  the  other  center  of  Tepanecan  power. 
This  followed  naturally,  for  the  terrible  blows  dealt  by  Nezahualcoyotl 
to  the  Tepanecan  rule  destroyed  whatever  hegemony  the  Tepenecans 
possessed  in  that  quarter  of  the  valley,  and  the  conquest  of  their  cities 
must  have  then  become  a  comparatively  easy  task  for  the  Aztecs. 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       145 

Then  followed  the  war  against  Xochimilco,  in  which  the  Aztecs  were 
again  completely  victorious.  With  that  victory  the  Aztec  power 
became  firmly  established. 

The  Codex  Ramirez  very  naively  reflects  the  general  rejoicing  of 
the  Aztecs  and  their  exaggeration  of  what  had  been  achieved,  and 
even  distorts  the  nature  of  the  alliance  with  Tezcuco,  wishing  us  to 
believe  that  the  Tezcucans  asked  to  be  the  allies  of  the  former  and 
even  submitted  to  a  formal  act  of  submission.  This  is  so  clearly 
contrary  to  well-authenticated  facts,  and  besides  is  so  clumsily 
motivated,  that  it  can  be  dismissed  without  comment. 

The  external  events  which  took  place  under  Itzcoatl's  rule  were 
of  fundamental  importance  because  they  freed  Mexico-Tenochtitlan 
from  all  danger  of  serious  attack  in  her  immediate  vicinity;  and 
secondly,  as  the  ally  of  the  great  Tezcucan  state,  gave  her  an  oppor 
tunity  for  beginning  that  struggle  outside  of  the  valley  proper  that 
eventually  led  to  her  extensive  ' '  empire. ' '  But  the  great  struggles  in 
the  valley  were  still  before  her  and  not  before  the  final  victory  over 
Chalco  and  Tlatelulco  can  it  be  said  that  her  hegemony  was  complete. 
Even  then  it  was  of  a  limited  kind,  one  she  had  to  share  with  the 
Tezcucans  and  Tlacopan,  and  one  she  had  constantly  to  enforce  and 
defend  in  the  face  of  numerous  revolts. 

Accompanying  these  great  external  events,  or  perhaps  as  a  conse 
quence  of  them,  internal  changes  of  paramount  importance  for  the 
future  history  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  took  place.  The  social  organ 
ization  seems,  then,  to  have  finally  crystallized  into  something  of  the 
aspect  it  had  when  the  Spaniards  arrived.  Classes  became  more  &T*~& 

sharply  differentiated  and  the  power  of  the  war  leader  was  greatly 
increased.  The  chief  of  the  tribe,  if  we  may  use  parallels  from  other 
Indian  tribes,  was  certainly  not  primarily  a  leader  of  war  expeditions. 
Such  leaders  were  generally  selected  for  each  occasion.  Among  the 
Indians  to  the  north,  in  northern  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  great 
warriors  frequently  arose  and  exercised  extensive  influence  in  the 
tribe.  This  seems  to  have  happened  under  Itzcoatl,  and  the  warrior 
in  question  was  his  nephew  Tlacaellel,  the  great  hero  of  Aztec  history. 
There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  he  held  any  office  in  his  youth.  ^, 
Toward  the  end  of  his  life  and  particularly  on  his  deathbed,  he  is 
represented  as  being  the  Cihiwcoatl,  the  vice-ruler,  and  desirous  of 
having  that  office  presented  to-  one  of  his  sons. 

However,  certain  events  had  happened  in  the  meantime  which 
completely  transformed  the  social  organization  of  the  state.  The 


146  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

wars  waged  by  the  Mexicans  and  the  personality  and  genius  of 
Tlacaellel  raised  the  position  of  war  chief  to  a  rank  almost  as  high 
as  that  of  the  tribal  chief.  There  is  nothing  astonishing  in  that.  A 
great  and  successful  war  leader  frequently  eclipses  in  reputation  the 
tribal  chief  among  many  communities.  Now  it  is  well  to  remember 
that  Tlacaellel  never  became  the  ruler  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan.  Later 
generations  in  idealizing  his  figure  felt  that  it  was  necessary  to  explain 
this  apparent  lack  of  appreciation  on  the  part  of  their  ancestors  and 
represent  him  as  refusing  the  office.  However  the  reason  for  his  not 
having  been  chief  is  simple  enough.  Chieftainship  was  apparently 
inherited  in  a  very  definite  way,  and  a  study  of  the  genealogies  of 
the  rulers  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  shows  that  Tlacaellel  was  never 
eligible. 

Was  his  office  inherited?  One  of  his  sons  undoubtedly  possessed 
it,  but  then  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  he  possessed  the  qualifications 
necessary  in  the  form  of  war  achievements.  After  him  our  evidence 
is  confused  because  the  position  of  Cihuacoatl  contains  a  number  of 
features  that  are  distinctly  of  European  origin  and  force  us  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  descriptions  are  all  late;  and  because  with  Mon- 
tezuma  the  Elder  the  functions  of  the  chief  of  the  tribe  are  merged 
with  those  of  the  war  chief  on  account  of  certain  military  require 
ments  that  each  new  chief  had  to  fulfill  as  well  as  the  necessity  of 
personally  controlling  the  ' '  empire. ' '  When  the  sources  speak  of  the 
person  directly  in  line  for  the  chieftainship  always  having  the  position 
of  Cihuacaatl,  it  is  quite  clear  that  European  notions  about  an  heir 
apparent  have  crept  into  the  documents. 

The  most  we  can  say  is  that  the  office  of  the  dhu&coatil  was  prob 
ably  old,  that  it  rose  into  prominence  toward  the  end  of  Itzcoatl's 
rule,  probably  through  the  influence  of  Tlacaellel's  personality,  and 
that  subsequently  it  was  at  times  held  by  men  who  afterwards  became 
the  rulers  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan.  It  can  consequently  hardly  be 
said  to  have  been  hereditary;  for  the  number  of  possible  candidates 
for  the  latter  office,  owing  to  the  manner  in  which  the  selection  was 
made,  was  by  no  means  small. 

Apart  from  the  prominence  suddenly  assumed  by  the  Cihuac&atl, 
the  age  of  Itzcoatl  witnessed  another  and  even  more  far-reaching 
change,  one  consequent  upon  the  new  situation  that  arose  in  connec 
tion  with  the  conquered  territory  of  the  Tepanecans.  The  Codex 
Telleriano-Remensis  tells  us  that  as  early  as  the  time  of  Acamapichtli 
towns  were  conquered  and  forced  to  pay  tribute,  but  no  claim  is 


1920]       Eadin :  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       147 

made  that  the  lands  of  the  conquered  people  were  distributed  among 
the  victors.  Duran  mentions  specifically  when  this  first  occurred, 
comments  upon  it,  and  further  on  in  connection  with  the  conquest 
of  a  certain  pueblo  adds,  as  if  to  imply  that  it  was  not  a  very  old  / 
procedure,  that  they  then  distributed  the  lands  among  the  warriors,  / 
as  it  had  now  become  the  custom  to  do.  Clearly  we  are  here  dealing 
with  a  new  order  of  things.  Now  it  is  a  significant  fact  that  the 
custom  of  distributing  the  lands  of  the  conquered  pueblos  was  an 
old  and  established  feature  of  the  older  civilizations  of  the  valley 
of  Mexico  and  a  recognized  procedure  of  the  Tepanecans  and  the 
Tezcucans.  It  was,  in  other  words,  adopted  by  the  Aztecs  when 
Nezahualcoyotl  brought  his  campaign  against  the  Tepanecans  to  a 
successful  completion,  and  when,  with  the  aid  of  the  Aztecs,  he  cap 
tured  and  destroyed  Atzcapotzalco.  It  was  from  the  Tezcucans, 
probably,  that  the  Aztecs  borrowed  it. 

To  explain  the  differentiation  of  the  Aztec  people  into  definite 
classes,  which  is  first  explicitly  mentioned  as  existing  in  Itzcoatl's 
time,  is  more  difficult.  In  a  general  way,  of  course,  such  a  division 
of  peoples  is  by  no  means  uncommon  in  other  parts  of  North  America. 
However,  the  specific  features  it  possessed  among  the  Aztecs,  as  the 
description  of  Zurita,  for  instance,  shows,  could  hardly  have  devel 
oped  between  1430  and  1519,  as  Duran  would  have  us  suppose,  unless, 
indeed,  we  assume  that  the  Aztecs  borrowed  this,  together  with  a 
number  of  other  elements  of  their  social  organization,  from  the  Tez 
cucans,  a  rather  untenable  assumption.  Agriculture  and  some  form 

of  land  ownership  was  an  old  cultural  possession  of  the  Aztecs;  a 

. 
general  division  into  nobility  and  commoners,   of  considerable  age, 

is  probably  also  to  be  predicated.     The  gradual  development  of  the    < 
power  of  the  chief  of  the  tribe  must  have  crystallized  these  older, 
perhaps   not  unduly   accentuated   divisions,   and   formed   them   into 
true  castes. 

The  Tepanecan  wars,  with  the  consequent  rise  to  supreme  impor 
tance  of  the  military  class  and  its  problem  of  .taking  care  of  newly 
distributed  alien  lands,  did  the  rest.  The  lands  were  given  to  the 
men  who  had  actually  fought  the  battles.  The  first  direct  result  was 
a  perceptible  inequality  in  the  size  of  individual  possessions.  This 
naturally  stimulated  the  growth  of  more  and  more  marked  differentia 
tion  between  the  large  land  owners  and  the  rest  of  the  tribe.  That 
the  latter  were  converted  into  anything  like  serfs  it  is  absolutely 
unwarranted  to  assume.  The  interests  of  the  tribe  were  still  para- 


148  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

mount,  and  even  as  late  as  the  Conquest,  we  have  good  reasons  for 
believing,  to  judge  from  Zurita,  that  individual  possessions  lapsed  to 
the  tribe  when  an  individual  left  the  community. 

However,  while  it  would  be  unjustified  to  believe  that  the  picture 
Duran  draws  in  his  very  naive  manner  of  how  the  division  into 
classes  arose,  and  while  it  would  be  even  less  permissible  to  imagine 
that  one  group  agreed  to  serve  the  other,  the  new  order  of  things 
ushered  in  by  the  policy  of  distributing  lands  to  the  noble  leaders 
of  war  expeditions  and  to  the  others  who  actually  took  part,  did 
change  the  relative  position  of  the  two  main  groups  of  Aztec  society ; 
and  from  Itzcoatl  to  the  second  Montezuma  that  change  became  more 
and  more  accentuated.  It  was,  to  judge  from  our  evidence,  clearly  a 
one-sided  change,  entirely  in  the  interests  of  the  governing  ' ;  nobility. ' ' 
The  most  momentous  official  recognition  of  the  deep-cut  differences 
that  existed  took  place  under  the  second  Montezuma,  when  he  dis- 
^missed  from  office  all  except  members  of  the  nobility. 

The  successor  of  Itzcoatl,  the  elder  Montezuma,  brought  further 
organization  into  the  affairs  of  the  state,  ' '  codified ' '  the  previous  laws, 
and  extended  the  limits  of  the  "empire."  Centralization  had  already 
gone  far  enough  apparently  to  warrant  an  attempt  at  obtaining  a 
pedigree  both  for  the  state  and  for  the  ruling  family.  This  he  set 
out  to  do. 

The  external  events  of  Montezuma 's  rule  were  of  considerable 
importance  for  the  future  development  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan.  even 
if  they  were  not  of  such  fundamental  consequence  as  those  that 
occurred  under  his  predecessor. 

The  most  important  aspect  of  the  wars  Montezuma  I  waged  was 
the  fact  that,  for  the  first  time  in  their  history,  the  Mexicans  succeeded 
in  getting  a  firm  foothold  in  the  Mixteca  and  in  part  of  the  Zapotec 
country.  These  distant  expeditions,  together  with  the  successful 
subjugation  of  many  towns  in  the  valley  of  Mexico  and  the  conquest 
of  the  Tlahuica  and  the  Tepeaca,  apparently  impressed  Montezuma 's 
contemporaries  to  such  an  extent  that  the  records  of  the  time  are  full 
of  reference  to  them.  This  was  perhaps  natural,  for  Montezuma 's 
war  expeditions  differed  from  those  of  Itzcoatl  in  being  deliberate 
'-  attempts  to  spread  the  rule  of  Aztecs,  whereas  those  of  Itzcoatl  were 
primarily  concerned  with  freeing  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  from  the 
domination  and  the  encroachments  of  powerful  and  hostile  neighbors. 

The  attempt  to  conquer  the  Mixtecans  and  Zapotecs  necessitated 
elaborate  preparations,  and  once  begun  had  to  be  continued.  It  was 


i 


1920]       Eadin:  Sources  and  Authenticity  of  History  of  Ancient  Mexicans       149 

apparently  a  comparatively  simple  task  to  overrun  most  of  the  terri 
tory  of  the  Mixtecans  and  part  of  that  of  the  Zapotecs,  but  to  hold  it 
against  revolts  was  extremely  difficult.  We  find,  in  consequence, 
that  even  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  the  Aztecs  had  great  difficulty 
in  retaining  what  they  had  conquered  in  that  region. 

The  successor  of  Montezuma  I,  Axayacatl,  carried  his  conquests 
in  all  directions.  The  three  great  wars  he  waged  were  against  the 
Tlatelolcans,  the  Totonacans  and  neighboring  peoples,  and  the  Taras- 
cans.  Not  only  was  he  successful  in  his  attack  upon  Tlatelolco,  but 
so  complete  was  the  victory  that  all  danger  of  that  city  ever  again 
making  pretentious  to  contest  the  power  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  was 
permanently  removed.  The  attack  upon  the  Totonacans  and  the  other 
nations  near  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  was  likewise  quite  successful,  but  the 
attempt  to  conquer  the  Tarascans  met  with  complete  failure,  and  the 
Mexicans  suffered  the  most  ignominious  defeat  ever  inflicted  upon 
them.  Axayacatl  then  returned  to  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  and  died  soon 
after. 

Nothing  of  any  consequence  happened  under  the  rule  of  Axaya- 
catl's  successor,  Tizoc,  but  with  the  latter 's  successor,  Ahuizotl,  we 
come  to  one  of  the  most  virile  figures  in  Aztec  history.  His  conquests 
did  not  carry  the  Aztecs  much  farther  than  they  had  gone  in  the 
time  of  Axayacatl,  but  they  apparently  established  control  more 
firmly.  Ahuizotl  was  even  able  temporarily  to  extend  his  conquest 
over  the  Zapotecs  and  his  victory  over  the  Tehuanos  was  one  of  the 
most  famous  of  his  rule. 

The  internal  development  which  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  underwent 
under  Ahuizotl  was  along  the  lines  laid  down  by  Itzcoatl  and  Monte 
zuma  I.  The  one  important  change  was  the  power  the  ruler  and  his 
immediate  following  now  possessed.  If  we  are  to  trust  the  account 
concerning  Ahuizotl's  successor,  Montezuma  II,  this  power  was  not 
yet  definitely  sanctioned  but  it  apparently  required  only  the  slightest 
impetus  to  give  it  this  definite  sanction,  as  Montezuma  II  himself 
demonstrated. 

Montezuma  II,  the  son  of  Ahuizotl,  succeeded  him.  It  was  in  his 
reign  that  Mexico  was  conquered  by  .the  Spaniards  and  consequently 
we  probably  have  more  accounts  of  him  than  of  all  his  predecessors 
combined.  How  to  evaluate  them  has  always  been  difficult,  for  the 
Spanish  chroniclers  and  the  native  historians  brought  under  Spanish 
influence  were  naturally  inclined  to  ascribe  much  of  what  they  saw 
or  had  been  told  by  the  older  Indians  concerning  the  government  and 


150  University  of  -California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  17 

customs  of  the  time  of  Montezuma  to  the  initiative  of  that  ruler  him 
self.  We  know  now,  of  course,  that  this  view  is  untenable  and  that 
the  vast  majority  of  the  features  of  Aztec  culture  grew  up  and 
developed  to  maturity  some  fifty  to  a  hundred  years  before  Monte 
zuma 's  time.  There  is,  however,  one  change  universally  ascribed  to 
Montezuma  which  it  seems*  justifiable  to  accept  as  his — namely,  the 
definite  change  of  the  ruler  from  an  elected  chief  to  what  seems,  to 
all  intents  and  purposes,  a  king.  To  Montezuma  is  definitely  ascribed, 
by  all  our  sources,  the  dismissal  from  his  immediate  entourage  of  all 
servants  and  followers  who  were  not  of  " noble"  birth.  The  sources 
also  make  it  quite  plain  that  Montezuma  was  here  breaking  with 
custom  and  the  accepted  order  of  things.  Of  his  elaborate  court,  his 
palaces,  the  different  kinds  of  nobles  who  served  him,  nothing  need 
be  said  except  that  our  sources  indicate  that  all  Montezuma 's  prede 
cessors  from  Axayacatl  on  possessed  the  same.  Even  this  change 
from  chieftainship  to  kingship  is  foreshadowed  in  Ahuizotl's  reign. 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.    17  [RADIN]    PLATE    1 


CODEX   BOTURINI    1 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.     17  [RADIN]    PLATE    2 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.     17  [RADIN]    PLATE    3 


CODEX   BOTURINI    3 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.     17  [RADIN]    PLATE    4 


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CODEX  BOTUEINI  4 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.   AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.    17  [RADIN]    PLATE   5 


CODEX   BOTURINI   5 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL,    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.     17  [RADIN]    PLATE    6 


CODEX  BOTURINI  6 


UNIV.    CALIF,    PUBL.    AM,    ARCH.    &    ETHN,    VOL,     17  [RADIN]    PLATE    7 


CODEX   BOTURINI    7 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.     17  [RADiN]    PLATE 


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CODEX   BOTURINI    8 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.   VOL.    17  [RADIN]    PLATE    9 


CODEX   BOTURINI   9 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.     17  [RADIN]    PLATE 


10 


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CODEX  BOTURINI  10 


UNIV.    CALIF.    PUBL.    AM.    ARCH.    &    ETHN.    VOL.    17  [RADIN]    PLATE    11 


CODEX  BOTURINI  11 


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